Le Burundi Gov. suspend sa coopération au pgme DSS Développement du secteur de sécurité (Communiqué ambassade Pays Bas)

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Statement by H.E. Mohammed Siad Doualeh, Ambassador, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Djibouti to the United Nations: Before the Security Council on the Situation in Somalia (10.11.2016)

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Statement on briefing to the Security Council by Jamal Benomar, Special Adviser to the Secretary-General for Conflict Prevention (including Burundi) (09.11.2016)

UN Burundi

The Burundian people are suffering the economic and humanitarian consequences of this situation, and the UN is seeking to increase its efforts to meet the needs of the population.

NEW YORK, United States of America, November 9, 2016 – The Special Adviser to the Secretary-General for Conflict Prevention (including Burundi), Jamal Benomar, briefed the Security Council today on his recent visit to Burundi and the region regarding the implementation of Security Council resolution 2303 [29 July 2016]. Below is his statement following the briefing:

I just briefed the Security Council on the various meetings I held with the Government and other stakeholders during my visit to Burundi, as well as with the facilitator of the EAC-led dialogue, former President Benjamin Mkapa, in Dar es Salaam.

I told the Council that I listened carefully to the views and concerns of the Burundian Government in respect to resolution 2303, particularly regarding the proposed deployment of unarmed UN police officers.

Our discussions were constructive and I’m confident that with continuous engagement and political will, we will find common ground as a basis for moving forward with the implementation of the resolution.

I told the Council that I believe we need a new compact between the Government of Burundi and the international community, with both sides engaging in a constructive effort to promote peace and stability, in full respect of Burundi’s sovereignty.

The Burundian people are suffering the economic and humanitarian consequences of this situation, and the UN is seeking to increase its efforts to meet the needs of the population. But in order to address the many implications of this crisis in the long-term, its root causes must be tackled – a Burundian-led political process and a genuine and inclusive dialogue are urgently needed.

I look forward to continued engagement with the Burundian Government and other stakeholders in order to reach consensus on the steps needed to move the country forward.

Somalia: The Government of Puntland strongly condems the continous provocation and aggression by Galmudug Interim Administration and warns of the Serious Repercussions of these Reckless Actions (06.11.2016)

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Eritrea: UNSC Monitoring Report proves clear evidence of continued support of Armed Opposition-Groups in Ethiopia and Djibouti

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I had to write about this today, for the simple reason apologists who has defended Eritrea and attacked the Monitoring Report from the United Nations Security Council Monitoring Team for the UN following the resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009). This is after the proof before of violations on Human Rights and crimes against Humanity in the Republic of Eritrea. Together with controlled Centralized Government under the President Isias Afweki, who has showed he doesn’t care about accountability and transparency as he controls all economy. There are reports of no-budget for the state for years.

So the Asmara Government and their apologist, if you want my support at all; please drop something worthwhile, your silence and attacks on multi-national institutions make you sound whiny and not smart. Just like the ones fighting against the sanctions because of no-connections over the last three monitoring periods between Eritrea and Al-Shabaab, but still… they are supporting other military groups, who are training and getting help in Eritrean territory. That should silence the ones who wants to defend the Asmara regime. Here are the important pieces of the UNSC Monitoring Report of 31st October 2016!

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Arms to Eritrea countering the Arms Embargo:

Military equipment has also been transferred onto Eritrean territory. The Monitoring Group analysed satellite imagery captured between April and May 2016, which shows the presence of tanks and artillery, including what appear to be AMX Leclerc main battle tanks, G6 self-propelled howitzers and BMP-3 amphibious infantry fighting vehicles (see annex 4). By September 2016, according to satellite data analysis, most of the vehicles appeared to have vacated the airport compound” (…) “If the range of support provided by Eritrea to the regional coalition, including as described above, constitutes either a direct or an indirect transfer of prohibited material to or from Eritrea or an exchange of military assistance, it would be a violation of the arms embargo. It could be reasonably determined, for example, that Member State support for the construction of permanent military installations in Eritrea constitutes the provision of technical assistance, training, financial and other assistance relating to military activities” (…) “It was claimed that the trainers had been housed at government villas near the Alla Scala Hotel in Asmara. It was also asserted that this was the second team of Ukrainian experts to arrive in Eritrea during the year; the first group, according to the article, had arrived in Asmara in February 2016 and been given training on the maintenance of old — and the installation of new — radar equipment” (UNSC, P: 11, 13, 2016).

Supporting Military Groups:

“For its third concurrent mandate, the Monitoring Group has found no firm evidence of Eritrean support for the Somali Islamist group Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujaahidiin. The Group has, however, continued to find consistent evidence of Eritrean support for armed groups operating in both Ethiopia and Djibouti. It is clear that Eritrea continues to harbour anti-Ethiopian armed groups, including the newly remodelled Patriotic Ginbot” (UNSC, P: 3, 2016).

Tigray People’s Democratic Movement:

“The defection of the former Chair of TPDM, Mola Asgedom, along with an unconfirmed number of fighters loyal to him, had a significant impact on the capacity of TPDM fighters remaining in Eritrea to conduct attacks against Ethiopian interests. Reports received by the Group indicate that TPDM is growing increasingly fragmented. On 6 August 2016, the Group interviewed Mola Asgedom in Addis Ababa” (…) “He said that he had been promoted to Chair of TPDM in 2008 and since conducted attacks against the Ethiopian armed forces in the Tigray and Afar regions of northern Ethiopia. He discussed the support provided by Colonel Fitsum Yishak, also known as “Lenin”, including the planning of operations, the monthly provision of ERN 450,000 (approximately $30,000 at the official exchange rate as at September 2016) and the supply of weapons. He also claimed to have engaged with Brigadier General Abraha Kassa during his tenure as Chair. He claimed that, while he was Chair, TPDM had had offices in Asmara, Dekemhare, Massawa and Teseney and units in most border towns”  (UNSC P: 15-16, 2016).

Ginbot Sabat:

Ginbot Sebat has since merged with the Patriotic Front to establish the Patriotic Ginbot , with Berhanu Nega as its Chair, and on 11 August 2016 was understood to have signed a memorandum of understanding with the Oromo Democratic Front” (…) “Ginbot Sebat claimed responsibility for an attack in which 20 Ethiopian soldiers were killed in Arba Minch, southern Ethiopia, in May 2016, demonstrating the group’s ability to conduct attacks well beyond the contested border regions. The Ethiopian authorities were swift to discredit the claims, however, announcing that their counter-terrorism units had foiled the attack and captured those who surrendered” (UNSC, P:17-18, 2016).

Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy:

“On 25 March 2016, multiple media agencies published a resolution following the first congress of the Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy, held in Asmara, incorporating the Benishangul People’s Liberation Movement, the Gambela People’s Liberation Movement, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, the Oromo Liberation Front and the Sidama National Liberation Front. According to the resolution, “the alliance is determined to uproot the current oppressive minority regime in order to safeguard and advance peoples’ rights to exercising genuine self-determination” (UNSC, P: 19, 2016).

Front pour la restauration de l’unité et de la démocratie:

“the Group asserted that Eritrea had offered bases, training, arms and equipment to an armed group associated with elements of the splintered Djiboutian opposition Front pour la restauration de l’unité et de la démocratie (FRUD), FRUD-Combattant (FRUD-C) or FRUD-Armé, since 2008” (…) “FRUD has publicly claimed responsibility for attacks on Djiboutian soil during the current mandate. On 6 February, two Djiboutian gendarmes, Zakaria Ismail and Mossa Bahdon Farah, were killed in a shoot-out on Lake Assal with armed elements who, according to a press release from the Ministry of the Interior, had come from across the border in Eritrea” (…) “On 1 October 2015, the leader of FRUD, Mohamed Kadamy, issued a press statement from Geneva in which he announced the group’s responsibility for the burning of three vehicles at Marawaleh in Tadjourah on 30 September 2015. The vehicles belonged to the construction company building the Tadjourah/Randa/Balho road. He claimed that the vehicles had been used to provide logistical support for an “offensive by the government army” between 11 and 13 September 2015 that had seen attacks on civilians, but that FRUD had repulsed. He sent a message to the company stating that FRUD would not permit the company to assist the army in the future”  (UNSC, P: 20-21, 2016).

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My 2 Cents:

If this wasn’t interesting, wasn’t giving you insights into structures that Eritrea supports and how they deal with neighbours, show with the support of military groups that creates havoc in Ethiopia and Djibouti. Something that apparently is wished from the Asmara Government… So the Eritrean if they harbour these sorts of military groups that attacks neighbour countries and oppose their regimes.

Eritrea cannot run away from this and also the apologist who tries to defend the Asmara Government… and at this point that is vicious with their track-record, little or non-existing accountability, transparency and massive overload of human rights violations and crimes against humanity. That has come out before and showed by the evidence and records of the diaspora as the Eritrean doesn’t want internal interference. Something they fear. Peace.

Reference:

United Nations Security Council – ‘Letter dated 7 October 2016 from the Chair of the Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea addressed to the President of the Security Council’ (31.10.2016) – S/2016/920

UNAMID welcomes Cessation of Hostilities announcement (03.11.2016)

Darfur UN

UNAMID has noted and welcomes the earlier announcement by President Omar Al Bashir on 10 October of a unilateral cessation of hostilities till the end of this year.

EL FASHER, Sudan, November 3, 2016 – The African Union-United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) welcomes the unilateral six-month cessation of hostilities jointly declared by, among others, the Sudan Liberation Army-Minni Minnawi (SLA-MM) and the Justice and Equality Movement-Gibril (JEM-Gibril), which entered into effect on 31 October 2016. UNAMID has noted and welcomes the earlier announcement by President Omar Al Bashir on 10 October of a unilateral cessation of hostilities till the end of this year.

Although mindful of existing challenges, UNAMID acknowledges the positive opportunity such a cessation of hostilities offers. It is hoped that such gestures would encourage all parties to the conflict to commit to a negotiated solution, including through the signing of the cessation of hostilities document presented to the parties by the African Union High Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP) and in line with the Roadmap Agreement.

UNAMID’s Joint Special Representative, Martin Uhomoibhi, commended the declaration and used the opportunity to, once again, call upon Abdul Wahid El Nur, leader of the Sudan Liberation Army- Abdul Wahid (SLA-AW), “to make a similar declaration to signal a genuine intent that peace is a strategic choice for him and his movement.”

“Each other party to the conflict has made gestures to indicate willingness to engage in peace; now is the time for Mr. El Nur to make such a gesture,” JSR Uhomoibhi added.

In this regard, the Joint Special Representative reiterated UNAMID’s commitment to continuing to work for the achievement of its mandate to protect civilians in Darfur and creating a conducive environment for sustainable peace in the region.

Sudan: Joint Declaration of the Armed Forces of the Sudan Revolationary Front (31.10.2016)

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Burundi: A look into the UN Report of September 2016; Gross Human Rights Violations from Imbonekura and other state agents; So that President Nkurunziza can stay in power!

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Burundi has been in turmoil ever since the current President Pierre Nkurunziza decided that himself we’re more important than the nation he was running. His power and position we’re more the key needed in his equation. Nkurunziza used the Supreme Court and Parliament to get a third term and a second election in his favour as Opposition didn’t even turn out. After that the oppressive behaviour and harassment has been genuine, as the Police and Imbonerakure has been used to assassinate, kill, detain and torture the ones who doesn’t follow the party line of Nkurunziza.

After this the UN has dropped a resolution, had a peace-talks designated from the East African Community (EAC) and H.E. Benjamin Mpaka, but that hasn’t gone anywhere as the little Police Force from the UN is powerless, while the Peace-Talks haven’t even had all parties that needed to compromise as the Nkurunziza party has banned and dislodged them. So the Central Government does what it can to control them by force and intimidation.

Because of these violations and the fear of spreading information and Intel about it the press, the government has a month after the release of the UN Report done this: “A letter signed by Foreign Affairs Minister Alain Aime Nyamitwe said Pablo de Greiff of Colombia, Christof Heyns of South Africa, and Maya Sahli-Fadel of Algeria were no longer welcome in Burundi” (BBC News, 2016). So the Burundian Authorities didn’t like the effect of them there and therefore acted with silencing them like they are doing with civil society and citizens already. Now, not letting people in from the UN and as the UN mandate to make sure the Burundian Government acts righteous towards own citizens, is a crime in the eyes of Burundian Authorities, therefore, I had to look through this report. A government cannot cry that much and cry foul over nothing. Here is what I see as key aspects of it.

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Therefor days after the UN Experts released a report on Human Rights violations these we’re the words:

“The UN experts collected unverified information and did not mention sources for their report’s credibility”, deplores Martin Nivyabandi, the Minister of National Solidarity, Gender and Human Rights. He said that the UN experts toured Burundi and saw plenty of positive work but they didn’t mention anywhere the progress observed on the ground. “During their stay in Burundi, the UN experts met different officials of Public institutions involved in the Human Rights, but unfortunately, the report did not take into consideration improvements on the ground. This UN investigation is a political report rather than being technical”, the Minister said” (…) “In a statement issued on 22 September, the ruling party rejects the allegations of the UN report. «CNDD-FDD rejects unverified accusations and dangerously biased contained in that report, apparently the result of a vicious campaign against the regime, the manipulation of public opinion, which is in line with the destructive business”, said Evariste Ndayishimiye, Secretary General of the ruling party. (Uwimana, 2016).

If you would expect that the Burundian Government would have praised a UN Report on Human Rights Violations than you’re a fool. No Government would ever like to slap on the wrist and then answered with sweet words of joy. No, the Burundian Authorities answered the way you should expect that they want the reports and injustices put under rug. They don’t want the systematic repression of citizens by any means.

To start with a Key Ingredient to the Burundian state:  

The citizens of Burundi are not helped by friends and neighbours of Burundi who shield the Government from its national and international human rights obligations.  All countries, but particularly those who have close relations with Burundi, and especially those that have played an historically important role, including in the process leading to the Arusha Agreement, should exercise their good offices, unambiguously, in defence of the human rights of the citizens of Burundi” (UN HRC, P: 23, 2016)

How Burundian Government answered the UN HRC mission:

Several government officials said they were not in a position to provide information, but would do so in writing afterwards. By letter dated 19 July 2016, the experts requested specific questions to the Government, with a follow-up dated 1 September 2016. The last letter also offered technical capacity to document the alleged mass graves. Regrettably, no response was received until the day when the report was completed. The response consisted in a blanket denial of all violations” (UN HRC, P: 4, 2016).

General in Burundi Assassainated 25.04.2016

Estimated Killings and Sexual Violence:

According to some estimates more than one thousand people have been killed as part of the crisis.  Thousands have reportedly been tortured, unknown numbers of women victims of various forms of sexual crimes, hundreds of people disappeared, and thousands illegally detained” (…) “No official figures of the number of people killed during the crisis are available, and the system of accountability is virtually non-existent. OHCHR has informed UNIIB that, as of 30 August 2016, it has verified 564 cases of executions since 26 April 2015. Given the constraints under which OHCHR operate this is clearly a conservative estimate” (…) “UNIIB received first-hand information confirming the involvement of the Imbonerakure in murders of perceived opposition sympathizers. Thus, a former member of the Imbonerakure testified to UNIIB that he had participated in the killing of 20 individuals in Bujumbura, including two Imbonerakure who had warned persons that there were plans to execute them. The witness added that the Imbonerakure were expected to arrest all those who opposed the third mandate, were against the President, or who did not collaborate with the CNDD-FDD. The bodies of those executed in the cases mentioned were reportedly placed in bags, transported across the Ruzizi River using makeshift boats, and buried in the Democratic Republic of the Congo” (…) “Allegations of mass burials of those executed during these incidents have been widely reported.  Initial satellite imagery suggests that bodies may have been buried in mass graves during this period, including in Bujumbura (in Kanyosha and Mpanda) and Bubanza. UNIIB received testimony corroborating the existence of mass graves.  Reported intimidation by members of the Imbonerakure and SNR of persons in possession of information on this topic give further credibility to the testimony” (…) “Apparent examples of tit-for-tat targeted assassinations within the Army – particularly threatening to the integration of the armed forces – include the killings of several senior Army officers belonging either to the pre-Arusha Agreement Burundian Armed Forces (ex-FAB) or to the former rebel group “Armed Political Parties and Movements” (ex-PMPA) and the apparent retaliatory killings of alleged supporters of the regime within the forces. Among the most emblematic examples are the killings of General Adolphe Nshimirimana on 2 August 2015; General Karakuza on 25 April 2016; and Colonel Darius Ikurakure on 22 March 2016. The latter was shot dead in the compound of the headquarters of the Army Joint Staff” (…) “In a number of cases documented by UNIIB, the victims were sexually mutilated. For instance, a woman in Cibitoke, in August 2015, was sexually mutilated by Imbonerakure who were searching for her husband. She stated that when they did not find him, they tied her hands behind her back and hit her. “They put their hands inside my vagina until the uterus came out. I was left alone bleeding, screaming. The neighbours came out and they tried to put my uterus back in place.” (UN HRC, P: 7-8 + 10, 2016).

Disappeared people:

Marie-Claudette Kwizera, Treasurer of the CSO Ligue ITEKA was allegedly arrested on 10 December 2015 by the SNR and has not been seen since. More recently, on 22 July 2016, Jean Birgimana, journalist at Iwaku newspaper, was also allegedly arrested by the SNR and is missing since then” (UN HRC, P: 9, 2016).

Arbitrary arrests:

“Arbitrary arrests and detention have been a cornerstone of the repression in Burundi and have opened the way for a wide range of other human rights violations. Arbitrary arrests and detention surged after 26 April 2015, targeting individuals demonstrating against the third term. After the coup attempt of May 2015, the authorities intensified the repression. SNR, PNB, the Imbonerakure and FDN reportedly tracked down opponents, notably through cordon and search operations and raids in so-called opposition neighbourhoods of Bujumbura” (…) “Prison overcrowding is alarming with a 300 per cent occupancy rate in some prisons. The Mpimba prison in Bujumbura, which the UNIIB team visited, was built to house 800 prisoners; instead there were 3,800 detainees present” (…) “Although the Prosecutor General of the Republic has formally denied the existence of unacknowledged places of detention, UNIIB concludes that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the Security Forces and Imbonerakure have established several such sites” (UN HRC, P: 11-12, 2016).

Torture and Harrasment:  

“UNIIB conducted 65 interviews with witnesses and/or victims of torture or ill-treatment. Elements of the SNR, the PNB, the Imbonerakure and, to a lesser extent, the FDN, are consistently identified as the perpetrators, and some individuals, including senior figures of the security apparatus, have been repeatedly cited” (UN HRC, P: 9, 2016). “Independent journalists have been subjected to harassment, death threats, arrests, torture, and the closure of their offices and/or destruction of their equipment” (…) ”As with the other violations in this report the victims are not only those outside Government. There is also no room for dissenting positions within government circles or the ruling party” (UN HRC, P: 14, 2016).

Burundi Report Police

If you don’t see the systemic oppression, harassment and killings of citizens inside here and understand the behaviour of Burundian Government by now, then you’re blind by the arrogance of President Pierre Nkurunziza.

The Burundian Government that has after the banning of UN Experts, has decided to leave the ICC; while the UN Report on Human Rights Violations clearly shows through the process of collecting evidence that the Central Government through their Security Organizations and Youth Party Imbonerakure has violated and oppressed fellow citizens to keep power for their current President. This is why it’s red-hot and been attacked as a political document from the CNDD-FDD as they doesn’t want to hear about their killings and torture to be in charge.

We can just know that this is estimated killings, torture and harassments of citizens, the Central Government of Burundi will never in their mind release the systematic violence against their own citizens to the world. That will only happen when the shadow of this regime is gone. Because they do not want the world know about their misgivings and their acts against their own. Peace.

Reference:

BBC News – ‘Burundi bars UN investigators over report on human rights abuses’ (11.10.2016) link: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-37614790

UN Human Rights Council – ‘Report of the United Nations Independent Investigation on Burundi (UNIIB) established pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution S-24/1’ (20.09.2016) – A/HRC/33/37

Uwimana, Diane – ‘Bujumbura dismisses UN report on Burundi as “political”’ (23.09.2016) link: http://www.iwacu-burundi.org/englishnews/bujumbura-dismisses-un-report-on-burundi-as-political/

Eritrea: UN Commission has urged referral to the International Criminal Court (28.10.2016)

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The Commission has concluded that the Government of Eritrea has neither the political will nor the institutional capacity to prosecute the crimes we have documented.

GENEVA, Switzerland, October 28, 2016 – States must heed the pleas of countless victims of crimes against humanity for justice and accountability, Sheila Keetharuth of the former UN Commission of Inquiry on human rights in Eritrea urged the UN General Assembly today. The Commission has recommended that the situation in Eritrea be referred to the International Criminal Court.

Speaking for the Commission of Inquiry, Keetharuth, who is also UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea, highlighted the Commission’s clear findings that crimes against humanity have been committed since 1991 by Eritrean officials, adding that such a dire assessment left no room for “business as usual” in the international community’s engagement with the Government of Eritrea.

“The crimes of enslavement, imprisonment, enforced disappearances, torture, other inhumane acts, persecution, rape and murder have been committed as part of a widespread and systematic campaign against the civilian population. The aim of the campaign has been to maintain control over the population and perpetuate the leadership’s rule in Eritrea,” Keetharuth told the UN General Assembly.

“The Commission has concluded that the Government of Eritrea has neither the political will nor the institutional capacity to prosecute the crimes we have documented. The Commission therefore recommends that the UN Security Council refer the situation in Eritrea to the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and that the African Union establish an accountability mechanism.”

“My plea to you, Excellencies, on behalf of the three members of the former Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, Mike Smith, Victor Dankwa and myself, is for you to pay heed to voices of victims of crimes against humanity in Eritrea.”

Keetharuth said the Commission had found that there was no material change in the country that could potentially have a positive effect on the situation of human rights.

“There is still no constitution, no parliament where laws are discussed, enacted, and where questions of national importance are debated; indefinite national service persists, with its adverse impacts on individual rights; there is no free press and no NGOs, except for Government-sponsored ones. The population lives in fear and the Government still controls their daily life, making the enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms by all Eritreans a remote possibility,” she said.

She noted that while several foreign delegations, journalists and others had been invited to visit Eritrea over the past year, the rampant human rights violations taking place in isolated locations and detention facilities were not apparent to the casual visitor.

Keetharuth noted that Eritreans were among the largest numbers of African nationals seeking asylum in Europe and that the overall recognition rate for Eritrean asylum seekers in European countries remained high.

“The findings of the Commission underscore that it is not safe to forcibly return those who have left Eritrea. The Commission, in its first report, documented that individuals forcibly repatriated, with a few exceptions, have been arrested, detained and subjected to ill-treatment and torture,” she said.

“I appeal to Member States to grant Eritreans access to their territory and asylum procedures. I strongly reiterate my call to protect all Eritrean asylum-seekers from refoulement and to refrain from any forced repatriation to Eritrea or to third countries where they may still be at risk or unwelcomed.”

Communique de la Septieme Reunion de haut niveau du Mecanisme Regional de suivi de l’Accord-cadre pour la paix, la Securite et la Cooperation pour la Republique Democratique du Congo et la Region (26.10.2016)

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