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Archive for the tag “Arusha Accord”

Opinion: Nkurunziza is set to run in 2020, unless Jesus returns prematurely!

Voting is not a right. It is a method used to determine which politician was most able to brainwash you.” Dennis E. Adonis

Let’s be clear, the Burundian government, the CNDD-FDD Party and President Pierre Nkurunziza are preparing for the General Election in 2020. This has been in the works since the Third Term was accepted by the Constitutional Court on the 5th May 2015. So, that the President could run for his third term, even as it was questionable considering the Arusha Agreement of 2000 and the Constitution. Still, the CNDD-FDD and President went through it and the crisis has persisted since.

We know, that the state is not backing down, as the state has collected a “volunteer” tax as a preparations for the General Elections in 2020. In some instances even stopping students from enrolling if they are not paying the 2020 fee. There even businesses and others who has been sanctioned for not paying the fare to the state. Therefore, the state is steady preparing and ensuring to be paid-in-full.

However, this isn’t the only step to continue the reign of Nkurunziza, as the state held a Referendum on the 21st May 2018, which voted with a majority of 73%. The Referendum on that day have permitted and secured the President the legality and eligibility to reign until 2034. Where the Presidential Terms also goes from 5 years until 7 year long terms. This is why, the President can run for two more 7 year terms. That is clearly with intention of letting Pierre run a bit longer.

Therefore, even as the African Union (AU) commend Nkurunziza for not standing in 2020. I have a hard time believing it. Because, everything that has happen since 2015 has been about Nkrunziza and him centralizing all power. That the President has stalled the Inclusive Inter-Burundian Dialogue and so on. There is no action, which gives a proper hope.

Even if Agathon Rwasa gets his own party and gets to run. He will be the main challenger of Nkurunziza is 2020, but he will still not be capable to topple the regime. Unless, they are trying to pull a leg and shift focus, but get him to appoint fellow cronies Nkrunziza trusts. Since, there are no sign of less violence, killings, disappearances and people fleeing into exile. There are no reconciliation or no changes made, which are making things hopeful.

The state has already made laws, which are ethnically based, where NGOs have to hire a set amount of one group, and if not they have to close. Which some NGOs have done as a result, also they have to produce more papers and prove their liabilities and if they stop working there, it can all be ceased by the state. That is how they work. The Burundian government have really shown their despicable face to world.

Not only going after the former FNL and other people who questions the CNDD-FDD, but they are really using the security organizations and the Imbonekura (Party Youth-Wing) to silence the ones speaking up against the regime. This the true scare and reality of who Nkurunziza is.

He might smile and grin wisely in propaganda photos leaked online. But his acts of his government is sinister. The reign and misuse of power is extreme. The state are monitoring everything and ensuring everyone is following party line. That is why I have a hard time believing Nkurunziza would step down and give it up. He has the juicy job and eating on the state. He even moved the political capital to Gitega, because he could. That is the sort of President he is. Therefore, no reasons for him to stop. Unless, he wants to save face, but then he might get into trouble as all the skeletons might haunt him. Peace.

FYI: To end with the quote from the headline. The only reason why I say Jesus returns prematurely, is that we as a world has to many projects and to many things undone. That we should have fixed before he returns. Like more democratically elected persons and not selected elites. We should ensure all people have running tap-water in their homes, electricity, work and food in the belly. As long as that is not there. Than, Jesus has come back to early, because we as humanity couldn’t even fix the basics before he came. Therefore, Nkurunziza will surely run again before Jesus returns. Peace II.

Burundi: “Actions speak louder than words” – Tom Malinowski (Youtube-Clip)

“In a press conference issued on this Saturday morning by Tom Malinowski, an assistant Secretary, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor concerning his visit in Burundi where he met with different officials, Tom declared his position about the procrastination of the government to execute their” (Iwacu Web TV, 2016).

Burundian UN Security Council Resolution 2279; a good deed, but will it make a difference?

BurundiNTVNews

As the unrest and crisis in Burundi continues even if they have Peacekeepers in Central African Republic and Somalia. The Opposition and the Government still keeps on with killings and oppressive behavior from the Government Armed Forces from the Police and the Army. The Opposition even tries to do plots to take down people of higher rankings as they have even attacked and gone after ministers and army generals. That is why the United Nation Security Council on the 1st of April 2016 finally have come to resolution on the conflict as the Inclusive Inter-Burundian Dialogue that have been stalled after the Ugandan President Museveni was out of the picture. There since been little or no-talks between the powerful actors in the country.

burundi-protests

Even with stories of counter-insurgencies from Rwanda and trained militias to topple the President Nkurunziza shows the viability and how the positions are played at the moment. But here are the most specific and most important parts of the UN resolution 2279 (2016) of the Security Council:

“Stressing the primary responsibility of the Government of Burundi for ensuring security in its territory and protecting its population with respect for the rule of law, human rights and international humanitarian law, as applicable” (…)”Urges the Government of Burundi and all parties to reject any kind of violence and condemn any public statement inciting violence or hatred and demands that all sides in Burundi refrain from any action that would threaten peace and stability in the country” (…)”Urges the Government of Burundi to respect, protect and guarantee human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, in line with the country’s international obligations, to adhere to the rule of law, to bring to justice and hold accountable all those responsible for violations of international humanitarian law or violations and abuses of human rights, as applicable, including sexual violence and violations against children” (…)”Welcomes the steps made by the Government of Burundi to withdraw some media bans, cancel some arrest warrants and release a significant number of detainees, and urges the Government of Burundi to urgently fulfil the remaining commitments announced by the Government of Burundi on 23 February 2016 and to extend such measures to other media outlets and political detainees” (…)”Welcomes the consent of the Burundian authorities to increase to 200 the number of human rights observers (100) and military experts (100) of the AU, calls for their full and speedy deployment in Burundi, notes that 30 human rights observers and 15 military observers have been deployed so far, and urges the Government of Burundi and other concerned stakeholders to provide them with full cooperation in order to facilitate the implementation of their mandate” (…)”Calls on States in the region to contribute to a solution to the crisis in Burundi, and to refrain from supporting the activities of armed movements in any way, and recalls in this regard commitments of the States in the region under the Framework Agreement on the Peace, Security and Cooperation for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the region and the 1951 Convention relating to the status of refugees” (UN Resolution 2279, 2016).

Most of this is expected from the United Nation Security Council and their values and the wishes of security of the people of Burundi; which is the reason for why the resolution occurs. The issue I have with it, is not that the Resolution finally get Blue-Helmets on the ground and they are supposed to help to gain peace. But when you see the amount of people, experts and military men from the Peacekeepers it is very little. As little as it seems to be a gimmick and then the world society “we did something” but initially that something was very little.

policiers-burundi

And the Burundian Government will sure make sure their mandate is minor or small so they can conduct their affairs as much as they please only to formally do the implementation that are into the standards of the signed statues and the agreements done to international laws. So they don’t have grievances with anybody or anyone from the United Nation or the International donors to the Burundian Regime.

That the UN Peacekeepers will have the total of 100 Military Experts as Peacekeepers, that is a tiny base; they will not have the mandate or structure to do much in Burundi. It is more than the 15 Military Experts that are there now, so it is as adjustment. The Human Rights Monitoring will not be able to force anything, but to report to the UN and AU on the matters and issues on the ground. For me what is important is to remember the dire state that was in Rwanda before 1994. As this is similar and also had a Peacekeeping mission. But looking at the similarities when coming to the mission; the Burundian Peacekeepers can’t do much about nothing.

Document 3 Image

Important dates and issues with Rwandan Peacekeeping Mission:

“On 22 June 1993, the Security Council, by its resolution 846 (1993), authorized the establishment of UNOMUR on the Uganda side of the common border, for an initial period of six months, subject to review every six months. The Council decided that the verification would focus primarily on transit or transport, by roads or tracks which could accommodate vehicles, of lethal weapons and ammunition across the border, as well as any other material which could be of military use” (…)”As requested by resolution 846 (1993), the United Nations undertook consultations with the Government of Uganda with a view to concluding a status of mission agreement for UNOMUR. The agreement was finalized and entered into force on 16 August 1993. This opened the way to deployment of an advance party which arrived in the mission area on 18 August. UNOMUR established its headquarters in Kabale, Uganda, about 20 kilometres north of the border with Rwanda. By the end of September 1993, the Mission had reached its authorized strength of 81 military observers and was fully operational” (…)”. Reporting to the Security Council on 15 December 1993 on the activities of the Mission, the Secretary-General noted that UNOMUR was “a factor of stability in the area and that it was playing a useful role as a confidence-building mechanism”. Upon his recommendation, the Council, by its resolution 891 (1993) of 20 December 1993, extended UNOMUR’s mandate by six months. The Council expressed its appreciation to the Government of Uganda for its cooperation and support for UNOMUR and also underlined the importance of a cooperative attitude on the part of the civilian and military authorities in the mission area” (UNOMOR Background).

We all who followed the Situation in the Rwandan Genocide knew what happened after this and that the mission of United Nations Peacekeepers was not incapable of doing anything with the dire situation in Rwanda that was already in 1993 and what escalated in 1994. Those 81 Military Observers did not have the manpower or the mandate to sufficiently do anything in the country.

As we are today in April 2016, 12 years after 1994, in the neighbor country of Burundi who also have history of civil war and violence, that ended in the Arusha Peace Accord of 2000 and gave way to over a decade of peace. Still, it was not sufficient or enough. 

Burundi Violence

So the 15 Military Experts or Observers cannot deal with anything especially since their mandate is not yet there; as the negotiations with the Burundian government are under way, the Burundian government wants as little or no meddling in their internal affairs; and with that in mind they have stifled the ability to have international peacekeepers in the country. Even if the UN Mission in Burundi with their 100 Peacekeepers, how much more power will they compared to the counterparts in Rwanda in 1993-1994? I doubt the Burundian Government will give up sovereignty and let them play national Police and Army over them. As they have Army Forces in Peacekeeping mission themselves in Somalia and Central African Republic.

Burundian President Nkurunziza said this in late December 2015: “Everybody should respect the borders of Burundi. If the troops are in violation of this decision, they will have attacked Burundi, and each Burundian must stand up to fight them” (…)”The country will have been attacked, and we will fight them” (…)”You cannot send troops to a country if the United Nations Security Council has not accepted it… the UN resolution says the international community should respect the independence of Burundi” (Daily Monitor, 2015).

Now yesterday the new Resolution said they would extend the Military Experts (Observers) which counters the words and arguments used by the President in December 2015. That an Resolution from the United Nation would change the matter, even the resolution is so vague and non-descriptive as it even in dialogue with the Burundian Government:

“…urges the Government of Burundi and other concerned stakeholders to provide them with full cooperation in order to facilitate the implementation of their mandate” (UN Resolution 2279, 2016).

Burundi-Museveni-Nkurunziza

This gives way to Burundian Government to do as they see fit in their sovereign territory while the Peacekeeping mission of United Nations will have little power or mandate to address, because we already knows that President Nkurunziza have little interest in having a powerful mandate to the United Nations Peacekeeping mission as he already wanted to attack the African Union planned Peacekeeping mission in the Country.

The 100 people of the UN Peacekeeping mission will in this state, and with this sort of arrangement and resolution gives lots of responsibility towards the Burundian Government, and will certainly not made in way that is adjusted to the concerns of the United Nation Security Council.

This resolution gives little or no direct mandate to the United Nations Mission and gives way for negotiations for the Burundian Government. Therefore the start of it is flawed and leaves possibilities of being a minor sting of pride for President Nkurunziza; as much as it was for President Juvénal Habyarimana of Rwanda in 1993; to have a peacekeeping mission in his country. But if it has limited power or even reach, and with little manpower as it have, the worry for the Burundian government not necessary have to be there. Because the United Nation Mission can’t or doesn’t have the ability to stop anything; just peeping and monitoring at best; as much as the Human Rights workers that are parts of the Mission. The Military experts will be lame ducks, while waiting for a secure mandate. A mandate that the Government of Burundi not wanting to give them, as that will take away their sovereignity as a state and nation. Peace.  

Reference:

Daily Monitor – ‘Nkurunziza warns he would fight AU peacekeepers’ (30.12.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/World/Nkurunziza-warns-fight-AU-peacekeepers-/-/688340/3015170/-/k7p15vz/-/index.html

United Nation  – ‘Uganda-Rwanda-UNOMOR Background’

Aga Khan says: “Africa’s moment has come” (21.02.2016)

AKDN

Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, 21 February 2016 – His Highness the Aga Khan today extolled Africa’s resilience, economic progress and new willingness to accept diversity.

“What I see emerging today is a refreshingly balanced confidence in Africa – a spirit that takes encouragement from past progress, while also seeking new answers to new challenges,” he said.

The Imam (Spiritual Leader) of the Shia Ismaili Muslims made the remarks in a keynote address to the “Africa 2016: Business for Africa, Egypt and the World” conference in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, hosted by Egypt’s president, His Excellency Abdel Fattah el Sisi.

The Aga Khan noted the decidedly upbeat spirit about Africa’s economic future that emanated from the speeches of African leaders taking part in the conference. “My enthusiasm today is especially strong because of the message which is at the heart of this Forum. And that message is, quite simply, that Africa’s Moment has come,” he declared.

While cautioning that Africa still faced formidable challenges, including high unemployment levels among the continent’s young people, he said that the continent had made significant progress in a number of key areas.

“The story of Africa’s progress and potential is also impressive – whether we talk about growing GDP and foreign direct investment, whether we look at economic diversification and national resiliency, whether we chart the rise of a vital middle class – and the expansion of consumer spending – now breaking through the one trillion dollar mark,” he said.

He noted that the experience of the Aga Khan Development Network, which is active in 13 African countries and works in an array of sectors ranging from health to education to culture to economic development, supports the positive picture.

He observed that fragmentation has long been one of the continent’s main weaknesses. “The problem of fragmentation has often afflicted Africa, separating tribe from tribe, country from country, the private sector from the public sector – those who hold political power from those who are in the opposition,” he explained.

And yet the Aga Khan noted that Africa has shown new willingness to embrace diversity and emphasised the importance of civil society in creating an enabling environment for progress.

“In sum I believe that social progress will require quality inputs from all three sectors – public, private and Civil Society. Sustainable progress will build on a three-legged stool,” he said, arguing that “cooperating across traditional lines of division does not mean erasing our proud, independent identities. But it does mean finding additional, enriching identities as members of larger communities – and ultimately, as people who share a common humanity. It means committing ourselves to an Ethic of Pluralism.”

Building on this idea, the Aga Khan emphasised the need for strong Civil Society institutions in Africa’s quest for development, noting that Civil Society has often been underappreciated, marginalised or even dismissed.

“I focus on Civil Society because I think its potential is often under-appreciated as we become absorbed in debates about the most effective programs of governments and others, or the most successful business strategies. But, in fact, it is often the quality of the third sector, Civil Society, that is the “difference-maker”. It not only complements the work of the private and public sectors, it can often help complete that work,” he said.

He lauded the positive role Civil Society played at key junctions in Africa’s recent history. “The influence of Civil Society has also been felt at seminal moments in the continent’s recent history, for example: in shaping the Arusha Accords which recently ended 12 years of civil war in Burundi, in the peaceful resolution of the violent clashes in Kenya following the 2007 elections, in the drafting of a new promising Tunisian Constitution, and in the courageous response to the Ebola crisis” he said.

For more information, please contact:

Kris Janowski
Head of Communications
Aga Khan Development Network
Email: kris.janowski@akdn.org

NOTES

His Highness the Aga Khan
His Highness the Aga Khan, the founder and chairman of the AKDN, is the 49th hereditary Imam (Spiritual Leader) of the Shia Ismaili Muslims. In Islam’s ethical tradition, religious leaders not only interpret the faith but also have a responsibility to help improve the quality of life in their community and in the societies amongst which they live. For His Highness the Aga Khan, this has meant a deep engagement with development for almost 60 years through the agencies of the Aga Khan Development Network.

The Aga Khan Development Network
Founded by His Highness the Aga Khan, the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) is a group of private, international, non-denominational agencies working to improve living conditions and opportunities for people in specific regions of the developing world. The Network’s organisations have individual mandates that range from healthcare (through over 200 health facilities including 13 hospitals) and education (with over 200 schools) to architecture, rural development, the built environment and the promotion of private-sector enterprise. Together, they work towards a common goal – to build institutions and programmes that can respond to the challenges of social, economic and cultural change on an on-going basis. AKDN works in 30 countries around the world, employing approximately 80,000 people, the majority of whom are based in developing countries. The AKDN’s annual budget for non-profit development is approximately US$ 625 million. AKDN agencies conduct their programmes without regard to faith, origin or gender.

Burundi’s opposition calls for AU intervention (Youtube-Clip)

“The main opposition group in Burundi has urged the international community and the African Union to approve plans to send an AU peacekeeping force to the country despite President Pierre Nkurunziza opposing the move. The country was plunged into crisis in April when Nkurunziza decided to stand for a third term, a move the opposition said was illegal and contravened the Arusha agreement of the year 2000 ending a civil war that left 300,000 people dead” (AfricaNews, 2016)

Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma on “Empowerment of Woman and the silencing of guns in Africa” (Youtube-Clip)

“African Union chairperson, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, says that should the violence in Burundi persist, the continental bloc can still deploy peacekeepers to Burundi” (SABC, 2016).

Press Release – Burundi Crisis: PALU and EACSOF Jointly file a case at the EACJ Challenging the Constitutional Court of Burundi and CENI’S Decisions Permitting President Nkurunziza’s Third Term Re-Run for Elections (06.07.2015)

Monday 6 July 2015, the Pan African Lawyers Union (PALU) together with the East African Civil Society Organisations’ Forum (EACSOF) filed an application at the East African Court of Justice. The purpose of this application is to obtain a ruling from the East African Court of Justice on the legality of the decision reached by the Constitutional Court of Burundi on 5th May 2015, which allowed President Nkurunziza to run for a third term in elections. This decision was reached despite the following;
  1. On 28th August 2000, the Government of the Republic of Burundi signed the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement (Arusha Agreement) which provides that the President of the Republic of Burundi “shall be elected for a term of 5 years, renewable only once. No one may serve more than 2 presidential terms.”
  2. The Constitution of Burundi clearly provides that “The President of the Republic is elected by universal direct suffrage for a mandate of five years renewable one time.”
  3. That the decision by the Constitutional Court of Burundi was reached under great pressure and intimidation. This became apparent when the vice president of the Court, Mr. Sylvere Nimpagaritse fled the country and the decision was thus reached in the absence of a full bench.
Civil Society Organisations are convinced that the people of Burundi are unhappy with the decision of the Constitutional Court and the President’s bid to run for a third term, however elections are set to proceed despite the political turmoil and unrest, and notwithstanding the following:
  1. The African Union and East African Community have made calls for the elections to be postponed;
  2. Threats and intimidation continue: On 28th June 2015, the Speaker of the National Assembly, Mr. Pie Ntavyohanyuma fled the country, on 25th June 2015 the 2nd Vice President of the Republic, Mr. Gervais Rufyikiri also fled, on 30th May 2015, the Vice-President of the Commission électorale nationale indépendante/Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) of the Republic of Burundi, Ms. Spes-Caritas Ndironkeye, together with a Member of the said Commission, Ms. Illuminata Ndabahagamye fled as well.
PALU and EACSOF are hoping to obtain the following remedies from the East African Court of Justice:
  1. A Declaration that the decisions by the Constitutional Court of Burundi and the CENI violate the Arusha Agreement and the Constitution of Burundi;
  2. A Declaration that the decision of the Constitutional Court of Burundi violates the treaty for the establishment of the East African Community;
  3. An Order to quash the decision of the Constitutional Court of Burundi and the CENI’s decision which allowed Pierre Nkurunziza to run illegally for third term.
Click here to read the official press statement by the Burundi Civil Society Organizations engaged in Citizens’ initiative to ensure compliance with the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi and the Constitution.
For more information about the case, follow through our social pages using#PALUatCourt #BurundiCrisis and please contact the following:Donald Deya, Chief Executive Officer, Pan African Lawyers Union
Email: secretariat@lawyersofafrica.org

Morris Odhiambo, President, East African Civil Society Organisations’ Forum
Email: odhotiato@gmail.com

WikiLeaks Series – Pre-2010 General Election in Burundi: Part One.

This here now will be a part of series of WikiLeaks discoveries on Burundi. For people who are not part of the Francophone world a lot of the information here will be new. Therefore I choose to drop it. It will be all pre 2010-Election in Burundi. This series will be directly about the preparation of the 2nd term of President Pierre Nkurunziza and his party the CNDD-FDD. This is part I. Enjoy!

Government of Burundi’s starting message:

“Minister of Good Governance Venant Kamana characterized the legislative problems within the National Assembly as primarily a dispute over the constitutionality of Nkurunziza’s government. Kamana explained that there are two major points of contention between the government and the major opposition parties. According to Kamana, the opposition claims that they have constitutional rights to a proportion of government positions based on the election results of 2005” (…) “Nkurunziza construed their refusal to comply as a desire not to participate in the government and therefore formed a new cabinet independently. Kamana suggested that any further dispute about the constitutionality of the government be decided by the constitutional court and further warned that any attempt to claim that the government is unconstitutional and without authority would provoke public disorder” (…) “In light of the recent arrest of the former Central Bank Governor, Kamana did not understand FRODEBU’s claim that nothing was being done with respect to the Interpetrol. Kamana also disputed FRODEBU’s assertions that various cases of embezzlement have been ignored and said that cases of embezzlement have never been filed at the office of the Prosecutor General. Kamana acknowledged that the Muyinga case is currently in the hands of the military prosecutor who has current jurisdiction” (…) “Nkurunziza and his National Council for the Defense of Democracy – Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) loyalists are clearly going on the offensive by addressing their concerns and reasons for the economic and political stagnation directly to the people” (WikiLeaks, 2007).

Outside view of the CNDD-FDD:

“The leader of Burundi’s MRC party and member of the National Assembly, Epitace Bayaganakandi, shared his perceptions of the political impasse plaguing the Burundi government with the Ambassador on August 6” (…) “Bayaganakandi claimed that FRODEBU, UPRONA and the ruling National Council for the Defense of Democracy – Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) party each have 2 wings consisting of those who actively seek cooperation and compromise with Nkurunziza’s government, and those who refuse to participate in the legislative process. He noted that certain factions of the Union for National Progress (UPRONA), the Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU), and even the ruling CNDD-FDD party do not want to share in the blame and the responsibility of the problems plaguing Burundi today and are instead distancing themselves to protect their political agendas for the future” (…) “Bayaganakandi stated that his predominately Tutsi MRC party was less than 5 years old, originating during Burundi’s transitional period following the civil war. Bayaganakandi declared that the objective of his centrist MRC party was to be a catalyst for institutional change throughout Burundi’s political, economic and social spectrum. Unfortunately, he complained, since 2005, little or no change can be seen other than in the areas of security, education and health. Instead, Bayaganakandi points to corruption, human rights abuses, extrajudicial killings and various financial scandals as the major contributions of Nkurunziza’s ruling government” (…) “In particular, in light of recent scandals and political failures, Bayaganakandi urged President Nkurunziza to take heed of the distinction between political positions and technical positions. Bayaganakandi explained that appointees to critical positions cannot be made out of loyalty without respect to their relative experience. He pointed to the naming of Isaac Bizimana, a former cashier for the CNDD-FDD party, as the Governor of the Central Bank and who is now in custody for possible misappropriation of funds in the recent Interpetrol scandal” (Wikipedia, 2007).

Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU) party member and former Burundi President Domitien Ndayizeye view:

“Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) party intends to hold onto power well into the future and accused President Pierre Nkurunziza of progressively moving away from a government based on democratic values towards a military dictatorship more akin to the culture and past of the ruling CNDD-FDD party” (…) “Burundi President Domitien Ndayizeye opined that the CNDD-FDD is unwilling to work with opposition parties and intends to hold onto power well into the future. The former president surmised that the CNDD-FDD is actively marginalizing all Hutu opposition as well as those parties predominantly representing the Tutsi minority” (…) “The FRODEBU leader lamented that the ruling CNDD-FDD party would rather reward good militants rather than using Burundi’s educated loyalists to help manage Nkurunziza’s government. He emphasized the need for a nation to have an army rather than having armies for political parties. Ndayizeye believes that Nkurunziza has eyes only for a military that will fight for the President and expressed his concern that Nkurunziza could become a dictator led by the military in much the same fashion as was detrimental to Burundi’s stability in the past” (…) “President Nkurunziza should respect Burundi’s constitution and the Arusha Peace accords upon which the constitution was founded. In addition to Nkurunziza’s departure from the constitution, the former president insisted that Nkurunziza refuses to commit to dialogue with other political factions and Nkurunziza’s action are running counter to national reconciliation, both significant priciples brought forth from the Arusha accords” (…) “Nahimana claimed that the CNDD-FDD party was rejecting the Arusha accords during the September 2006 ceasefire talks with the PALIPEHUTU-FNL and and only accepted the Arusha principles by force” (…) “Political observers have speculated that Ndayizeye, who is still a popular and influential figure in Burundi and who was jailed in 2006 by Nkurunziza on suspicions of plotting a coup, is seeking personal revenge against the current administration and the CNDD-FDD party, and may have his sights on the presidency once more” (WikiLeaks, 2007).

CNDD-FDD Party Leader Nyangoma is critical:

“Nyangoma, who returned to Burundi on July 15 after 10 months of temporary refuge in France, cited corruption, the lack of movement within the Parliament, and poverty as the major components to a growing ‘institutional crisis’. In offering a solution to the political quagmire, he emphasized the need for immediate dialogue between the ruling National Council for the Defense of Democracy – Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) party and the major opposition parties” (…) “Nyangoma also suggests that the specter of war still plagues the population, strengthened by the lack of progress in the ceasefire process, and the abundance of weapons among the Burundi people. The situation is further aggravated by the inability of the government of Burundi (GOB) and the PALIPEHUTU-FNL to negotiate in good faith as dictated by the September 2006 ceasefire agreement” (…) “the CNDD party head suggested that various portions of Burundi’s constitution should be changed to improve the electoral process. He further hoped for the creation of laws that would govern the political opposition process, stating that it was necessary to have a credible opposition for an effective democracy” (…) “He proposed that an international commission, specialized in the investigation of economic crimes, should be put in place to delve into suspected improprieties by the current government since its inception. He compared his proposal to the recent effort by a similar commission that investigated the controversial sale of the presidential jet. Nyangoma stated that the GOB needs the trust of the international donor community and implied that Burundi’s financial and developmental partners had no confidence in believing that resources were going to the right places” (…) “Nyangoma also suggested that another international commission be created to shed light on all suspected crimes against humanity and human rights committed by the current administration, such as the extrajudicial killings in Muyinga and the arrest and prosecution of the suspected coup plotters in 2006. Noted for his staunch allegiance to a strong judicial process, Nyangoma questioned why Nkurunziza’s administration insists on separating justice from reconciliation. In the spirit of the Arusha peace accords, Nyangoma advocates the installation of a truth and reconciliation committee to investigate the abuses of the past” (WikiLeaks, 2007).

Afterthought:

Hope you got some new knowledge. And to be continued!

Peace.

Referance:

WikiLeaks – ‘BURUNDI’S GOVERNMENT TAKES THEIR MESSAGE ON THE ROAD’ (20.08.2007) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07BUJUMBURA584_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘BURUNDI CENTRIST PARTY LEADER SEES PARTY DIVISIONS AS KEY TO POLITICAL IMPASSE’ (21.08.2007) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07BUJUMBURA591_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘BURUNDI’S FORMER PRESIDENT WARNS OF A MILITARISTIC CNDD-FDD PARTY’ (13.08.2007) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07BUJUMBURA571_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘CNDD PARTY LEADER NYANGOMA SPEAKS CRITICALLY OF BURUNDI’S GOVERNMENT’ (01.08.2007) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07BUJUMBURA550_a.html

Stand with Burundi (Youtube-Video)

The petitions:

Petitions for the ‘We are Burundi’

Burundi – RCCB 303. Constitutional Court motion of 30th April 2015 – Rendered on 4th May. (Translated to English by PALU)

BCJ

BCJP2

BCJP3

BCJP4

BCJP5

BCJP6

BCJP7

BCJP8

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