PARIS, France, April 15, 2016 – Back from a fact-finding mission in Burundi, conducted in March 2016, FIDH and ITEKA condemn serious human rights violations in Burundi, mainly perpetrated by defence and security forces, against a background of ethnic and genocidal ideology. The ongoing crimes could already be qualified as crimes against humanity and there are now signs that the crisis could lead to acts of genocide. This crisis demands a strong response from the UN, notably through the deployment of a UN police and an international commission of inquiry to prevent mass atrocities.
Since April 2015, 700 people have allegedly been killed, 4,300 have been arbitrarily detained, and several hundred people (800 according to some sources) have been forcily disappeared. Hundreds of other people have been tortured and dozens of women have been sexually assaulted. As a result of the conflict in Burundi, more than 250,000 Burundians have already fled the country. While the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon is set to submit options for the deployment of UN elements by 15 April, FIDH and ITEKA, call upon the international community, including the UN Security Council, to deploy an international police task force of at least 500 police officers with the objective of protecting civilians, stopping ongoing lethal violence, and preventing further armed clashes. FIDH and Iteka believe that if these trends continue, the African Union or the United Nations must send a peacekeeping force to end the violence and the repression of an increasingly genocidal nature.
During its mission, and in a forthcoming report, the FIDH delegation has documented and established the continuation of targeted and extra-judicial killings; of daily arbitrary arrests and detention; of the intensification of enforced disappearances and illegal detention facilities as well as torture. FIDH also witnessed the high level of surveillance and control on Burundian society by security forces, including by the National Intelligence Service (NIS) and by the ruling party’s youth militias, the Imbunerakure.
“The situation is particularly worrying with the NIS – the main actor of the repression – that has infiltrated every layer of society and systematically tortures detainees. Parallel chains of command have been established within the security forces to orchestrate the repression. Part of the Imbunerakure1 militia is trained, armed, and deployed throughout the country and acts as the defacto security forces. Tensions within the army are extremely vivid. The international community must do everything in its power to protect civilians and prevent the situation from getting out of control,” said Karim Lahidji, FIDH President. “The nature of the crimes witnessed by the FIDH delegation could very well fall under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC). The Prosecutor, Ms Fatou Bensouda, should immediately open a preliminary examination of the situation in Burundi, which is state party to the ICC” he added.
The evidence gathered by FIDH and ITEKA establishes that the Tustis are particularly targeted by the violence and due to their ethnicity. They are more targeted during arrests, are subject to ethnic insults from security forces and systematically tortured during detention. The public and private messages of members of the ruling party CNDD-FDD or regime supporters are referring to Tutsis more and more openly as “enemies, “terrorists” and “genocidal insurrection”.2 Since the assassination on 22 March 2016, of Lieutenant-colonel Darius Ikurakure3, pillar of Burundi’s repressive system, targeted killings of soldiers belonging to the former Burundian Armed Forces – FAB (mainly composed of Tutsis) – have also increased.
According to information gathered by FIDH and ITEKA, more than 10 former Burundian army soldiers have been killed by unidentified men since the beginning of March. These elements are part of a larger context marked by an increasingly ethnic discourse by Burundian authorities and their supporters. The day before the funeral of the Lieutenant-Colonel Darius Ikurakure, messages were circulated on social media, including the following: “Dear HUTUS, wake up! Tomorrow we will bury another hero of the anti-Tutsi struggle, his excellency Lieutenant General Darius Ikurakure. Hutu officers and civilians will attend to thank him for his work. Come in number, and be careful and remember that he hero must not die alone, za mujeri sindumja muzincunge bibaye ngombwa mukore. Delende is Mike [watch those emaciated dogs, I am not a slave, if you must: work]. A word to the wise is enough! KORA [work]” circulated on social media. The term to “work” ,was used in Rwanda by the Hutu genocidal government to call upon the elimination of Tutsis. It was also used on 1 November 2015, by Burundian Senate President, Révérien Ndikuriyo, in front of his supporters and several Imbunerakure: “if you hear the signal with an order that it must end, emotions and tears will have no place !” and added “you must spray, you must exterminate those people (…) Wait for the day when we will say “work.”, you will see the difference!”. The conversation was not supposed to be recorded.
Burundian security forces involved in the repression are themselves made up of men who know how to execute orders and can “get things done,” according to a source close to the security services. “They are over 95% Hutus” adds the source. About ten units, among which the NIS, the Riot Squad (BAE), the Special Battalion for Institution Protection (BSPI), the Institution Protection Agency (API), the Combat Engineering Battalion (BGC), the Mobile Group for Rapid Intervention (GMIR) and Special Research Police(PSR), are led by those loyal to the regime directly linked through parallel command chains, to the presidency, including the civilian cabinet. Those persons, responsible for the repression, could be incriminated for the crimes perpetrated directly by them or under their authority and should be subjected to criminal prosecution and individual sanctions by international institutions and influential diplomatic bodies.
“FIDH and ITEKA are very concerned about the ethnic nature of the repression in recent months, the authoritarian rhetoric and the use of preventive violence by authorities and their supporters. This reminds of the anti-Hutu genocidal massacres of the last 40 years. The authorities consider that they are the only representatives of the people and refer any kind of political, ethnic and social pluralism to a “them” against “us”, deadly for the country. We solemnly call upon Burundian authorities to uphold the Arusha Agreement by ending the repression, freeing the thousands of political detainees, and take part in an honest dialogue with the opposition and the independent civil society,” urged Anschaire Nikoyagiza, ITEKA President.
In response to the abuses of the regime, many men are joining the ranks of rebel armed groups (Red Tabara and FOREBU). These groups have carried out targeted attacks and killings against representatives of CNDD-FDD, members of law enforcement and Imbonerakure in Bujumbura and in the provinces, which have resulted in civilian casualties.. Indiscriminate attacks against civilians may amount to war crimes and perpetrators must face justice.
Moreover, the documentation of these violations has become extremely dangerous. Human rights defenders, opponents and independent journalists still in Burundi are living mostly underground. They are followed and receive death threats. Almost every civil society leader, journalists and opposition member have been forced to flee the country and those who remain, leaders or activists, continue to be subjected to threats or even attacks by men suspected of acting on the behalf of the regime, especially the Imbonerakure.
The disappearance of Marie-Claudette Kwizera, ITEKA treasurer, since her arrest by NIS elements on 10 December 2015 illustrates a worrying phenomenon that would concern hundreds of cases. Some sources report at least 800 people have been foricbly disappeared. The documentation of these disappearances is more and more difficult because of the increase of illegal detention facilities. The Burundian authorities and the Independent National Commission on Human Rights (CNIDH), seized by FIDH on the case of Marie-Claudette Kwizera and other cases of enforced disappearances, were unable to provide explanations or information on the fate of these people who are neither refugees nor officially detained.
“Given the risk of a new civil war and the perpetration of mass crimes, our organisations urge the international community to deploy an international police force in the country (of at least 500 officers) to ensure the protection of civilians and facilitate the holding of an inclusive political dialogue as soon as possible. Furthermore, we call on the Security Council to mandate an independent international commission to investigate the crimes perpetrated since April 2015, ” said Dismas Kitenge, FIDH Vice President.
On 1 April 2016, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 2279 urging all parties to the crisis to agree on a timetable for negotiations. It also calls on the UN Secretary-General, to present by 15 April to the Security Council “options” for the deployment of an international police force. In view of the security and human rights situation prevailing in the country, FIDH and ITEKA urge the UN to ensure that this task force has the mandate and the means to play a stabilizing, deterrent and monitoring role and to intervene in the event of the commission serious human rights violations.
LONDON, United Kingdom, February 29, 2016. The Ugandan government is continuing to violate the human rights of leaders of the opposition Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) and undermining the ability of their party to legally challenge the results of the 18 February elections, said Amnesty International in a statement, as the 10-day deadline for filing presidential election petitions looms.
Security forces have repeatedly arrested the aggrieved presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye, and some of his party leadership colleagues and supporters. They have also besieged his home, and raided the party’s main office in the capital Kampala.
“The FDC has a legal right to challenge the election results and it must be allowed to do so,” said Sarah Jackson, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.
“It is unacceptable for the government to stifle a lawfully-registered party from pursuing the only legal recourse available for it to contest the electoral outcome.”
Since the results were announced, Dr Besigye has been detained without charge at police stations or at his home in Kasangati, near Kampala.
His first post-election arrest was on 22 February, as he attempted to leave his home the day after he had suggested in a televised speech that he would challenge the outcome of the election in the Supreme Court.
“These arbitrary arrests are an affront to Dr Besigye’s right to freedom of movement and a clear sign of the prevailing climate of impunity and disregard for rule of law in Uganda,” said Sarah Jackson.
“The Ugandan government must fully and effectively respect its own constitution, and honour its voluntary international obligations to protect every Ugandan’s human rights, including to freedom of movement, freedom of expression, and freedom of peaceful assembly”.
On 20 February, the Electoral Commission declared incumbent President Yoweri Museveni winner of the presidential election with 60.75% of the vote as opposed to Besigye’s 35.37%, an outcome Dr Besigye dismissed as fraudulent.
The election took place amidst a government-ordered social media shutdown that according to European Union (EU) election observers “unreasonably constrained freedom of expression and access to information”.
According to the police, Dr Besigye’s continued arrest was made under powers of “preventive arrest” for “utterances and activities that amount to incitement to violence and defiance of the law”. Amnesty International has examined Dr Besigye’s televised remarks and does not consider him to have incited violence.
FDC headquarters were raided by police on 19 February, while elections were ongoing in parts of Kampala. Witnesses interviewed by Amnesty International said police officers fired tear gas canisters at crowds gathered at the scene.
This is my 2.0. It’s a 2015 Edition. I wrote a piece that I use a long time on and the books I had read to fit into prove how the Government of Uganda and the NRM-Regime had failed their marquee program. Their famous Ten-Point Program. I wrote a piece that I posted in 2014 with what we can call little older and scattered information. This here right now will be based on what has happen in 2015 and the situation right now economical and development that has happen in the recent year. The other one had far-far and old date material and reports. This here is fresh (for now) in two years’ time this here will also be old, but since this election season, I had to make regenerating this. Point by Point look that the situation and shortly discuss them. I know for the die-hard NRM and Musevenist. This is just pure hog-wash even if you can see the painting on the wall; you will still deflect the issues that are there. NRM-Regime has had the opportunity to make these changes and give Uganda and its citizens what it ought to have. What the opposition and civil society asks for and question the leadership; and regime about. Instead there are other reactions to this. But instead of me just writing small-talk let you read the findings.
The sole candidacy of YKM in the NRM proves that there are not democratic institutions YET; and the NRM Primaries have made Uganda famous for Pre-Ticket Ballot-Papers and stuffed ballot-boxes. Also with the sole candidates of Evelyn Anite and Sam Kutesa didn’t have competitors in their respectable voting districts these NRM primaries. So if you want to restore Democracy and you still lives by the possibilities of having election which is rigged and have single candidates, then it’s not really an election, but a sad exercise of necessity and not to get the once who supposed to represent the members of the NRM-Party. When the ruling party can’t act democratic and have free and fair elections, how can they make that happen in 2016? They still haven’t achieved this point. Proving this point that they haven’t achieved it is with the constantly detaining of opposition leaders and keeping them in house arrest, or even preventative arrests. Also using the POMA law to disorganize the Opposition parties and their campaigning while the UPF is steady on to destroy their work in the districts and fields. Throwing activists in jail without trial and letting them pay heavy bonds. This is not a look or proves that the system is still based on the NRM-Regime and their elite, even inner-party members has been jailed for supporting Amama Mbabazi instead of supporting Yoweri Museveni.
This point is not yet valid.
Reports today because a man supports wrong part of the NRM:
“Davis Akampurira lost his premolar tooth last night when he was beaten intensely after being kidnapped by “state operatives”. The reason given was that the buffoons had gathered intelligence of him being funded by Amama Mbabazi to fight the state and son of Minister Bright Rwamirama….Mwinempaka. We who sent Davis has told him to come independent” (Reported by Meta Moses, 02.11.2015).
The Fautima Zaina incident shows that the security of the people is not withhold in the country when the police manhandle her like they did. Also the Way the police carries themselves with tear-gas and shootings during the Western rallies of the FDC in October. And this has been thread that has kept going the entire calendar of 2015 and sure will happen until the election in February of 2016. So the security personnel and police is not securing peace for the people, but making fuzz and generating violence because the Opposition parties try to do their program in the country.
We have the all of sudden Police detaining Norman Thumuhimbise of the Jobless Brotherhood when he was taken by the police in the night in Kampala by the Flying Squad, without any court order or official paperwork just suddenly taken in August and after a few days he returned after family requests for his release.
Another example is also Vincent Kaggwa was taken by the Police in July this year and was released a few days later from an undisclosed location. He is one of the supporters of the Amama Mbabazi ticket at the time he was wearing a T-shirt with his name and face. Apparently the NRM Youth Leader had done enough to be detained and taken away with no court order for no reason at the time and released a few days later.
When it comes to the property it has been issues with that this year. The government has not withheld the level of trust between land and persons. One of this is the Palm Oil Plantation on the Island of Kalangala Land used for that purpose and to for the local farmers. The others main issues is the Amuru land grab in Apaa Village where the land is taken for hunting grounds and sold without the local agreement from central government. Also the Sugar Factory built by Kakira Sugar Works which is owned by the Madhvani Group who got allocation of 40, 000 hectares of land in the Western part of Amuru District.
This proves that in 2015 the security of all Ugandans is not yet there, especially if you’re not a part of the NRM-Regime or the NRM elite. Then you are free for all for the UPF and other organizations to take advantage of. Even NRM’s own can be taken and become felons because of their allegiance to somebody else than Museveni.
The land grabs proves that the property isn’t withhold to the people of the area, the bigness of the Kalangala and Amuru is massive, also with the government sale of land without consultation or consideration of the public and citizens, but seems that the only thing matters is the cash coming from corporations and investors from afar.
Another point that is also not valid.
Some historical background from the 1960:
“Britain’s goal in Uganda has been to establish a fully democratic parliamentary system which would fit the country for internal self-government in a short time. British Colonial Secretary Ian Macleod opened a new Legislative Council on Sept. 18, but the “parliament” was boycotted by Mutesa II, 34-year-old, Cambridge-educated Kabaka (king) of Buganda. Buganda has its own Lukiko (legislative council), which voted on Sept. 24 in favor of secession from Uganda. However, the Kabaka’s court has not yet approved the vote. Because the Kabaka’s government is by far the strongest political force in Uganda, it is in position to block development of a strong central government” (…)”A statement by Buganda authorities last Feb. 12 asserted that they had “always advocated a federal form of government for Uganda.” They distrusted the trend toward a “unitary form of government” which might endanger Buganda’s “traditional institutions.” The Kabaka, who is a god-king to 1.7 million of Uganda’s 5.8 million people, has been fighting a delaying action against changes which threaten to undermine his ancient feudal powers, Milton Obote, leader of the Uganda People’s Congress, most powerful of Uganda nationalist movements, has labeled the Kabaka’s court “reactionary.” (…)”Britain’s insistence that Uganda have a strong unitary government has given the Ankolo, Bunyoro and Toro tribes, as well as the Kabaka, an issue on which they are united—tribalism. Strong tribal allegiance and the resulting preference for federalism are not confined to Buganda. Tribal chiefs fear that the nationalist parties, such as Obote’s, will undermine their chiefdoms. But the smaller tribes are suspicious of the Kabaka and refuse to accept his leadership in any form” (Blumenfeld, 1960).
“The office of the Supreme Mufti has disassociated itself from what it has described as unprincipled call for unity by the leaders at Old Kampala. This is after the leadership of the Uganda Muslim Supreme Council organized a national unity prayer session slated for Friday at the Old Kampala mosque. However, the spokesperson of the Kibuli sect Sheikh Hassan Kirya has told journalists at a news conference held at Kibuli mosque that the spiritual status and integrity of the people behind this move is suspect especially with regard to their conduct towards fellow Muslims. Sheikh Kirya is instead asking that the council addresses the root cause of disunity” (Ageno, 2015).
Museveni said this to the Muslim community this year:
“Currently, Uganda’s life expectancy is 58 but the Sheikh has died at 83. Even at that age, he was still very strong, especially mentally. His death is a big blow to the Muslim community and his efforts to unite the Muslim community in Uganda” (…)”We have arrested many people who have been killing Muslim sheikhs and those who are still on the run shall be arrested” (…)”What divided us (Muslims) was lack of transparency in the custodianship of our property. But all we need is unity among Muslims” (Kafeero & Bwire, 2015).
Museveni said this year:
“Am glad that NRM is able to maintain peace supported by you people. The population of Uganda has gone up. I urge you to support and maintain this peace” (Statehouse, 2015).
““We used these venues to enlighten the people. Uganda had had the challenge of not knowing what to do within the political leadership,” adding that those ideological meetings took place in Bulambe and Kangave in Luwero district and at Bukatira in Nakaseke district.
Mr. Museveni who was accompanied by his wife, Mrs. Janet Museveni, noted that during the 1950s and 1960s, people were misled along sectarian considerations based mainly on religion and tribes. He was, however, pleased to remind the gathering that the country has now managed to foster stronger national unity because of the viable Government of the country. He used the occasion to introduce the Chairmen of the various organs that were in leadership during the struggle in the Luweero area. He also paid special tribute to Rev. Fr. Ssesanga who took the President’s mother from the area to Nairobi and ensured her security during the liberation war. Mr. Museveni paid tribute to his wife, Mrs. Janet Museveni, for looking after their children when he was actively engaged in the struggle. In the same vein, he thanked Mrs. Gertrude Njuba and Mrs. Olive Zizinga who took care of his meals at the critical time during the struggle” (Mediacentre, 2015).
And his NRM Party:
“Promotion of national unity and guarding against the resurgence of all forms of sectarianism. Implementing programs geared towards the socio-economic transformation of society, such as providing a healthy environment for industrialization and job creating through public and private investments. This is in line with the strategy of building an independent, integrated and self-sustaining national economy. However, the strategy is largely private sector led” (NRM, 2015).
The NRM has done more for the National Unity and has made an effort for the kingdoms to reconcile, even if there been issues like recent years like between the Baganda Kingdom and the Ankoli. Or the Bunyoro with their land and Tororo after the fall of Gadaffi which supposable gave less power to kingdom after this, then you have the fiefdom of Busoga which haven’t gotten much credit from the National Unity work. So the NRM has done something good here I got to confess, though I am sure that the Northerners feels left out after the institutions are stronger in Bunyoro, Baganda and Tororo, and not in Acholiland, Karamoja and so on. There are things to work on to continue to make a clear national Unity.
This one is a close achievement though the killings of Muslim clerics and the miss of certain areas of the country; half not passed and half verified point.
“The contractual fundamentals enshrined in the Ten-point Programme and promise of a fundamental change that was already exhibited in the discipline of the triumphant rag-tag NRA guerrilla fighters instilled an unprecedented sense of relief and confidence. Ugandans envisioned the end to state-orchestrated wanton murders; the end of the culture of political violence, torture, arbitrary arrests, the repressive modus operandi, and above all, the opportunity to freely elect and peacefully change their leadership. It was considered a dawn of a new era. The exceptions were the people of Northern Uganda region, where the defeated armies regrouped and waged an extended war led by Alice Lakwena and Joseph Kony. Internationally, Museveni’s conversion to neo-liberalism earned him Western acclaim of a ‘unique visionary, charismatic leader’ and primus inter pares of the ‘new breed’ of African leaders (Oloka-Onyango 2004; Kjaer 2004)” (Asiimwe, 2014).
“The eventual opening of political space was a protracted process whose landmark was the November 2004 Constitutional Court ruling against some sections of the Political Parties and Organisations Act (PPOA). The Court pinpointed the unconstitutional infringement of some PPOA sections on fundamental civil and political rights, for instance, freedom of association and assembly. With the opening, new political parties emerged. The Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), a merger of the Parliamentary anti-third term group (PAFO) and Dr Kiiza Besigye’s Reform Agenda that contested the 2001 presidential elections, was the most prominent of the new parties. Traditional parties like DP and UPC considered FDC as a credible and trusted party, and forged a common working relationship with it under the G6 framework. Establishment of grassroots networks and infrastructure was not smooth for parties like the FDC. The NRM had an elaborate village to District level Local Council system that combined administrative functions with championing grassroots Movement interests. This was overseen by political appointees like Chief Administration Officials (CAO), security operatives and Movement cadres. Additionally, the police served the establishment, and para-military units like the Kalangala Action Plan were reminiscent of the old-time UPC’s National Security Agency (NASA). This elaborate apparatus aimed at weakening competing political parties through a combination of indirect and direct strategies like co-option, harassment, sabotage, repression or even elimination. Claims of sabotage were made, for instance, in Gulu, Hoima, Masindi and Kisoro (The New Vision 9 August 2005; The New Vision 27 June 2005; The New Vision 18 July 2005)” (Asiimwe, 2014).
The lands are peaceful but the oppression is making it less of peace as seen how they goes against the Opposition leaders and their parties. So there are issues that does destruct the picture of what the NRM-Regime really has done, because their hinges to power now destroy what they have built while trying to underscore their competitors in the political landscape.
This point is half made and half not.
From FY2006/2007 it was Domestic Debt and Outstanding(DoD) was US$1.47 billion. And in FY 2013/2014 had risen to US$4.3 billion (MTDS, P: 13, 2015).
Government expenditure is on an average to be 20.9% of the GDP for the FY 2014/2015. In the 2015/2016 it is 21.7% of the GDP. The main expenditure for the budget is the infrastructure projects like the upgrading of Entebbe International Airport, Hydro Power projects and Albertine Regional Airport. The total cost for the projects is US$7.0 Billion. There is set to be 5% target for the inflation rate and the exchange rate is set for 12.1% in FY 2015/2016 and average for 2.4% the rest of the years for the medium term (MTDS P: 17-18).
That the total debt-to-GDP from the current level of 28.6% by the end of June 2014, if the end of the time it might end up with 50% level by 2020. This is because of substantial projected increases the fiscal deficit. With the worst strategy the interest rate can go from 1.4% in June 2014 to become 4% in 2020 (MTDS, P: 24, 2015).
Point 5 is not valid. The scary numbers are the reason why!
(Republic of Uganda May 2015).
They have started and even officially started to loan money for the restoration together with the major national programmes like National Development Program II and Vision 2040.
So this point is not valid!
Here are a few cases from the recent year that proves that elimination is far from the surface and eliminated with corruption in the public life. There is so many cases but here is a few!
Mukono-Katosi Road Scandal:
“A significant amount of evidence supports the view that the incidence of grand corruption in Uganda has increased over recent years. Recent cases involving the embezzlement of public funds suggest the effectiveness of state institutions in monitoring government programs is limited. Recent examples of cases of grand corruption include the fraudulent procurement of a contractor for the Mukono-Katosi road and subsequent advancement of UGX 24 billion to nonexistent contractor to kick-start the road construction in 2014; of UGX 205 billion through the national identity card system scam in 2011; and of UGX 58 billion lost in the OPM in 2012, among others” (Inspectorate of Government P: 33, 2014).
“The Anti-Corruption Court yesterday convicted six MTN staff after they were found guilty of illegally gaining access to the mobile money system and wired cash amounting to more than Shs3 billion to various money agent lines that they shared thereafter” (PCTech Magazine, 2015).
“In November 2014, five officials of the Uganda Wildlife Authority were suspended after almost 1.5 tons of ivory worth more than $1 million vanished from a government store room. In response, the minister for tourism suspended the Uganda Wildlife Authority’s executive director, Andrew Seguya. But he returned to office just a few months later” (Athumani, 2015).
“A Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA) official was last Friday quizzed over billions of shillings on his personal account, yet his official salary was only Shs5m a month” (Kasozi, 2015).
Recent in Kampala:
“The last time men posing as immigration officials showed up at Wei Kun’s shoe store in the Ugandan capital of Kampala, the Chinese trader forked out $1,000 in bribes to prevent his business from being shuttered” (…)”Perspective traders must provide evidence of $100,000 in planned investment, language skills and obtain the necessary trade licenses _ or pay off the right people” (Canadian Press, 2015)
This point is far of chart that I have to say it super-un-valid!
Check again the Point number 2 since the answer is there on the land grabs and the issues it has, especially with the situation in Amuru and Adjumani districts with the allocation of land for Sugar Works Factory and hunting grounds in Apaa Village. Also with the land grab for the development project or building the Palm Oil plantations on Kalangala Island. The issue in Northern Uganda ends also up with those staying in the camps that Internally Displaced Persons are not getting a piece of land to settle down and get a livelihood after the long trial with droughts and wars in the area.
This one is too damn easy, not valid before the IDPs get a piece of land and not business men getting giant plots for their business and pleasure. As the Government of Uganda has to fix the issues of giving their citizens their land and plots; and also finding the place for development, but there is also the issue of listening to the Local Councils, Chief’s and MPs to find a significant way of doing it, instead of shuffling over them.
In the recent year the UPDF the Ugandan army has been in the South Sudan, Central African Republic and Somalia. In the Central African Republic they are still hunting for the LRA on mandate from the UN and the same with the Army troops in Somalia in the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).
The one in South Sudan:
“John Ken-Lukyamuzi, who is the leader of the opposition Conservative Party in the national parliament, further said the deployment of the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) in South Sudan was a violation of international law” (…)”The lawmaker further said there was no evidence indicating the official invitation of UPDF by South Sudan president Salva Kiir, saying president Museveni failed to provide the invitation letter to parliament when inquired to produce it. However, Uganda government on many occasions alleged that its troops were invited by president Salva Kiir (Sudan Tribue, 2015).
“Uganda plans to send more than 240 of its health workers to the Caribbean despite criticism and the threat of an aid cut” (…)”Officials have said the scheme is merely part of Uganda’s bilateral cooperation with Trinidad and Tobago, from which Uganda has also benefited – with aid such as oil and gas industry training and financial support for its police” (Al Jazeera, 2015).
“HUMAN rights activists from various civil society organisations have refuted the recently signed labour agreement between Uganda and Saudi Arabia to employ graduates as domestic workers, arguing that it is modern day slavery” (…)”“The government does not seem to be bothered about where these people are going to work, but rather to let go of them,” Ndifuna said” (Muhindo, 2015).
The military does certainly something positive abroad if they follow the international mandates from African Union and United Nations, but the ones they went in to without a mandate that was in South Sudan. In the midst of the year with the turmoil and demonstrations towards the third term in Burundi became part of the mediation team between CNDD-FDD and the opposition. The opposition felt that the NRM-Regime and their men had a loyalty to their friends in the government and not discuss in the matter towards a gentle agreement between the parts.
So parts of this point they actually do well, with the armies for the mandates, but the none mandates and how they have agreements to send people to other countries to earn quick money and not secure themselves. So it doesn’t seem they do it for generating Human Rights or Democratic values, more to gain money for the government.
Half Point is cleared and half point is not.
“Given the scale of investments required under NDPII, there is need to have close cooperation between the public and private sectors in form of public-private sector partnerships (PPP)” (…) “Government has already embarked on promoting and encouraging PPP in various forms for the smooth implementation of NDPII. Legislation towards formulating laws for PPPs is also in advanced stages. The forms that PPPs usually take include joint ventures between the Government and private sector entity/ies where both may contribute financial resources, Build, Operate and Transfer (BOT), Build, Own, Operate and Transfer (BOOT), Build, Own and Operate (BOO) and Concessions” (P: 153).
““The Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA) is the implementing agency for the planned KAMPALA JINJA TOLL EXPRESSWAY. It will link the capital with the important industrial area of Jinja. Past plans have been for four to six lanes for the 77-kilometre road. Cost estimates have also varied from USD 700 million to USD 1 billion. There are reports that the ministry of transport will be floating a USD 1 billion Public-Private-Partnership (PPP) tender and that the International Finance Corporation (IFC) will be the lead financial adviser. Construction could commence in 2015 with commissioning in 2020. COMESA has declared it to be a priority Project that is an important component of the Mombasa-Kampala – Kigali northern corridor” (APA, 2014).
“Uganda Registration services Bureau (URSB) has today entered into an MoU with National Social Security Fund (NSSF) to enable information/data sharing on companies registered with URSB and bio-data for NSSF members” (…)”The Partnership with NSSF isn’t the first for URSB, because earlier partnerships have already bore fruits. Together with KCCA and URA, URSB is running a TREP project, which has seen the organization register many business names in Kampala, and has now devised plans to roll out to the countryside beyond Kampala” (…)”Other Partnerships with UIA and Posta Uganda have seen URSB centers housed within the two institutions, a move that has eventually reduced congestion at the URSB head office and also saved peoples’ time and costs on transport to reach the URSB head office for registration services” (Minbane, 2015).
They have achieved this one, but at a price of exhilarating the prices for public building by having the Public-Private Partnerships which leads to higher levels, MoUs and contracts from constructions companies and the Government of Uganda.
This here is a valid point.
Point 1: Not Valid.
Point 2: Not Valid.
Point 3: Half not passed and the other half passed.
Point 4: Half not passed and the other half passed.
Point 5: Not Valid.
Point 6: Not Valid.
Point 7: Not Valid.
Point 8: Not Valid.
Point 9: Half not passed and the other half passed.
Point 10: Valid Point.
Totally 2, 5 Points out of 10 in 29 years is not impressed! There is always easy to write visions, talk about wish to develop the organizations and country. NRM-Regime has had the time to build and rebuild the country. The NRM-Regime have had opportunities to deal with this program and achieve it, instead they have lost focus and turned into a crony elite who self-serves instead of serving the citizens. That is supposed to vital to any government to give services and reforms to build society to a better place. NRM-Regime has gone away from their core-principals. Therefore you can easily see that they haven’t tried hard to fulfil their Ten-Point Program. Peace!
PS: If this isn’t enough for you?
Read my old one:
Ageno, Catherine – ‘Supreme Mufti Kayongo rejects “Unity” Prayers’ (27.01.2015) link: http://kfm.co.ug/news/supreme-mufti-kayongo-rejects-unity-prayers.html
Africa Project Access (APA) – ‘Africa Project Newsletter: Issue 234’ (Nov. 2014) link: https://www.wko.at/Content.Node/service/aussenwirtschaft/NEWSLETTER-234-November-2014.pdf
Al Jazeera – ‘Uganda to send medics abroad despite aid-cut threat’ (16.03.2015) link: http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/03/uganda-send-medics-aid-cut-threat-150316125448282.html
Asiimwe, Godfrey B –‘Of Fundamental Change and No Change: Pitfalls of Constitutionalism and Political Transformation in Uganda, 1995-2005 – Article in the Africa Development, Vol. XXXIX, No. 2, 2014, pp. 21 – 46 © Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, 2014 (ISSN 0850-3907)
Athumani, Halima – ‘Corruption worsens an already devastating illegal wildlife trade in Uganda’ (10.07.2015) link: http://www.pri.org/stories/2015-07-10/corruption-worsens-already-devastating-illegal-wildlife-trade-uganda
Blumenfeld, F. (1960). Tribalism and nationalism in Africa. Editorial research reports 1960 (Vol. II). Washington, DC: CQ Press. Retrieved from http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/cqresrre1960110200
Canadian Press – ‘Despite bribery and corruption Chinese retailers grow in Uganda’ (23.06.2015) link: http://www.stockhouse.com/news/newswire/2015/06/23/despite-bribery-and-corruption-chinese-retailers-grow-uganda#M7hQi3pkd1JUhqeC.99
Kafeero, Stephen & Bwire, John – ‘Museveni calls for Muslim unity’ (18.04.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Museveni–calls–Muslim–unity/-/688334/2689182/-/y2hs43/-/index.html
Kasozi, Ephrahaim – ‘UNRA official quizzed over Shs1b on personal account’ (02.11.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/UNRA-official-quizzed-over-Shs1b-on-personal-account/-/688334/2938914/-/xrpcno/-/index.html
Mediacentre – ‘President Commends Fighters’ Role During the 5-year Liberation Struggle’ (08.02.2015) link: http://www.mediacentre.go.ug/press-release/president-commends-fighters%E2%80%99-role-during-5-year-liberation-struggle#sthash.HaQo8OZK.dpuf
Minbane – ‘Press Release on signing of a MOU between the URSB and NSSF (28.08.2015) link: https://minbane.wordpress.com/2015/08/29/press-release-on-signing-of-a-mou-between-the-ursb-and-nssf-28-08-2015/
Muhindo, Clare – ‘Human rights activists contest Uganda-Saudi labour pact’ (14.07.2015) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/670932-human-rights-activists-contest-uganda-saudi-labour-pact.html
NRM – ‘NRM Mission is to transform Uganda into a Modern Prosperous society’ (02.10.2015) link: https://www.nrm.ug/media/nrm-mission-transform-uganda-modern-prosperous-society
Inspectorate of Government (IG) & Economic Policy Research Center (EPRC): Tracking Corruption Trends in Uganda – Using data tracking mechanism – Annual Fourth Report 2014.
Statehouse – ‘President urges West Nile on maintaining peace, unity, and household income projects’ (20.07.2015) link: http://www.statehouse.go.ug/media/news/2015/07/20/president-urges-west-nile-maintaining-peace-unity-and-household-income-project
Sudan Tribune – ‘Ugandan lawmaker describes UPDF mission in South Sudan as illegal’ (10.04.2015) link: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article54577
Republic of Uganda/Directorate of Debt & Cash Management – Ministry of Financing, Planning & Economic Development: ‘Medium Term Debt Management Strategy’ (MTDS): 2015/2016 -2019/2020 (April 2015).
Republic of Uganda – Report of the Committee on National Economy on the proposal by Government to borrow SDR 34 Million (US 50, 2 Million) from the International Fund for Agricultural Development for Financing the Programme for Restoration of Livelihoods in Northern Uganda (MAY, 2015)
Republic of Uganda – ‘SECOND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PLAN 2015/16 – 2019/20 (NDPII): “A Transformed Ugandan Society from a Peasant to a Modern and Prosperous Country within 30 years”.
PCTech Magazine – ‘Former MTN Uganda Staff get 9 years’ jail for Mobile Money fraud’ (28.04.2015) link: http://pctechmag.com/2015/04/anti-corruption-court-convicts-six-mtn-staff-over-shs3b-fraud/