Dismantling the Ten-Point Program of NRM – Uganda.

“When the NRM captured power in January 1986, it found the following major problems;

  1. i) Severe shortage of basic necessities like soap, cloth, housing, sugar, blankets, salt etc.
  2. ii) Severe bottlenecks involving

– Shortage of transport

– Badly damaged roads both trunk and feeder roads

– Malfunctioning power and water supply

– Lack of agricultural inputs

– Unutilized capacity in the industry sector

iii) Disruption of life in most parts of the country leaving behind displaced people, orphans and widows.

  1. iv) High level of insecurity
  2. v) Huge money supply in the economy
  3. vi) High rate of inflation

vii) Very unfavourable balance of payments” (P.5, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011)

The Ten-point program:

  1. Restoration of Democracy:

Constitutionalism and fair elections was part of this point in the program. NRM and Yoweri Museveni made a new launched in 8. October 1995. That their holding elections every 5 years (P.6, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).

  1. Restoration of security of all persons in Uganda and their properties: First they did disciplining the army – that got the NRA and UPDF together. Also restoring some safety and peace in the Northern Uganda with the operation to get rid of LRA and also stabilizing things in South Sudan. Keeping law and order with the run of things with UPF (P.11-15, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
  2. Consolidation of national unity and elimination of all sectarianism. President Museveni said himself on 12th of May 2006: “Ever since 1986, when the National Resistance Movement (NRM) ended decades of state-inspired extra-judicial killings that accounted for the death of 800,000 Ugandans between 1966 and 1986, we introduced popular democracy based on a no-party model. In order to defeat the almost one century old sectarianism that had been fomented among our people and had been partially responsible for the upheavals that gripped Uganda, we avoided the immediate re-introduction of multi-party democracy. This model was not well understood abroad although it healed our people from sectarianism based on religious sects and tribes. We ignored the pressures from outside until we were convinced that the mindset of people had changed.”(P:16, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
  3. Defense and Consolidation on National Independence: By doing this point was to get political independence. That wasn’t officially in place before 1986. Economic independence – that being the result of URA is now collecting 100 times more than it did from 1987 to 2010 (P. 19, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
  4. Laying a basis for building: an independent, integrated, self-sustaining national economy. This has been done by becoming a part of COMESA and EAC. Also 20 policies have become bills to this date. Make opportunity for private sector development. Also the growth the ICT/Telephone business and the Oil exploration will give the economy a boost (P.21-25, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
  5. Restoration and improvement of social services and rehabilitation of the war-ravaged areas. This has happen through the extensive expansion of the health care. Also the new standard in educational system in Uganda: Article 30 of the 1995 constitution says that all persons have a right to education. Article 34 further states that “A child is entitled to basic education which shall be the responsibility of the state and the parents of the child.” The provisions notwithstanding, fewer than expected children were going to school. So while campaigning for Presidency in 1996, President Museveni noted that there were big numbers of children who were not attending school and/or dropping-out of primary school, largely due to failure by parents to meet education costs. He therefore promised that he would introduce free primary education if elected. Subsequently, the NRM government introduced (UPE) in 1997. Also the building of infrastructure of the road projects that has been over the last 20 years: “One of the major responsibilities for the NRM government is the construction and repair of roads. In order to properly plan for the road network in Uganda, the government formed the National Roads Authority which became functional on July 1st 2008 with the mandate of designing, developing and maintaining the national road network, currently at 20,000 km” (P: 25-32, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
  6. Elimination of all forms of corruption in public life: “misuse of power for personal gain”. It’s been passed since 1986 – 8 laws that been passed to secure the system of bribes, corruption and grafts in the country. The NRM government has also put 8 agencies that follow up the corruption in the country (P: 33-34, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
  7. Settling the peasants that have been rendered landless by erroneous “development” projects or outright theft of their land through corruption. “The land question has been in Uganda since the colonial times. Several legislations have been passed but they have not done much to solve the question. In the late 90’s and 2000’s, eviction of the so called squatters was so rampant that people always, petitioned the President for assistance”(P: 35, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
  8. Encouraging co-operation with other African countries and defending the human and democratic rights of our long-suffering African brothers. “Over the last 25 years, President Museveni has ensured that cordial relationships with other countries are a top priority. Uganda’s foreign policy has been promoted putting in mind other foreign interests and ensuring that other countries do not undermine Uganda’s interests”. The achievement that the NRM government has done by this point is the Tripartite plus Joint Committee with Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda and DRC, Arusha Accord with peace in Burundi, Inter-Governmental Authority Development progress in Sudan and Somalia, EAC where Ugandan interested get a key place and the President involved with the peaceful resolution after the election violence in Kenya. Which is also the biggest trading partner (P: 37, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
  9. Following an economic strategy of a mixed economy – I.E. Use of state and private sector as well as cooperatives in the development process. “Since coming to power, the NRM government developed programs to address infrastructural and economic challenges” (…)”The vision is that ‘every household in Uganda is able to access basic necessities namely: food, shelter, clothing, health and education for material and social comfort and be able to earn an income”. Also the push and to organize SACCOS and cooperatives to get a mix of business and government (P: 38-42, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).  

Comment to the Ten-point program:

Point One: “The Movement dispatches vehicles to go around ferrying people to the polling station. Once people goes into the vehicles the buying votes begin (…) To ensure that the people who get the money deliver the votes, they insist that a Movement agent at the station votes on their behalf (…) In some villages like Kyeitembe and Nyakabirizi cows were slaughtered, and everyone who accepted to vote for the Movement was given a kilo of meat” (Kobusingye, 2010, P: 116).

Point two:

Observer commented earlier this year: “A Human Rights Watch report recently claimed that some elements in the Ugandan contingent had sexually abused vulnerable Somali women and girls. The UPDF contested this claim but pledged to investigate. Earlier, The Observer had reported about army officers ‘selling’ places to soldiers seeking to be enlisted for the mission” (Observer, 2014)

UN125

UN127

(United Nation General Assembly, 2010)

Point three:

Museveni himself has pointed out earlier this year: “Uganda started off her Independence, in 1962, on a very weak foundation.  This was, mainly, because of bad politics pushed by opportunistic sectarian groups and manipulated by external interests.  The sectarianism, as we have pointed out many times, was based on religion, tribes and gender chauvinism (marginalizing the women).  There were only three women that I remember in the Independence Parliament of 1962 to take one example.  Within four years of Independence, the then Prime Minister had to abolish the 1962 Constitution because of the contradictions that were getting ever sharper” (Museveni, 2014).

Point four:

Commenting on the political independence: “Richard Nduhura (…) In 2001 he contested for a parliamentary seat against Reform Agenda’s Spencer Tiwomwe. Nduhura’s agents were engaged in gross electoral malpractices, including multiple voting, underage voting, ballot stuffing, and bribery of votes. Nduhura found to have voted for himself twice” (Kobusingye, 2010, P: 118). Hey, it happened in 1961, 50 years later you did the same, why complaining President? And on Economic independence – Al Jazeeras tiny clip is telling the story:

Point five:

NDP11

 

(P: 55, National Planning Authority, 2010)

NDP3

(P: 56, National Planning Authority, 2010).

Point six:

Discussing the points of education and infrastructure let me first address the educational policy. Baryamureeba says: “Uganda needs to consider reforming the education system if we are to focus on skills-development as a country. Primary school education should be reduced to six years and it should focus on setting a solid foundation or building blocks of the child’s education. At primary school level, children should master reading, writing and arithmetic” (…)”Primary school teachers are focusing on terminal national examination instead of imparting these essential skills. There are skills that are necessary at primary school level, but are not examined in the Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE). As a result, teachers focus less on such skills” (…)”All students, who complete primary education should be allowed to seek ordinary level education (O’level). At the end of O’level, students should sit the Uganda Certificate of Education (UCE), which is a national examination” (…)”free education should be provided at primary school and O’level education only. Beyond this stage, education should be optional and the students should meet the costs. The Government needs to stop providing free education beyond Senior Four, because it is neither strategic nor sustainable” (…)”Then Grants Board should have clear guidelines of how these institutions can access funds and to what levels. This would reduce on strikes in these institutions as a result of demanding for more funds from the Government” (Baryamureeba, 2013). On infrastructure study on economic planning and building in Pallisa and Soroti: “The planning of roads should factor in the economic potential of areas as the current system under MoW only considers roads in bad situation.  This will improve on accessibility to areas that have identified themselves as economically productive” (..)”The level of funding for roads should be increased both under machine based as well as labour based methods. The latter method was seen to be effective in contributing to income earning opportunities of the local communities which helps government achieve twin objectives of poverty reduction and road provision” (EPRC, December 2010).

Point Seven:

Let mention a few: The Dr. Latigo scandal of 1986 – the Uganda Airlines payoff that made him lose his top position over the airline. Another one was Santana Vehicle Saga in 1988 where the Ministry of Defense wanted ‘Land-Rovers’ but this deal between Uganda and Spain made the deal for Santana’s. They had paid for 260 Land Rovers and not Santana’s so that $6,8m worth Santana’s shipped versus the $8m Land Rovers that the bid was set for(Mugabe, 2013). We also had the CHOGM 2007 the dealings with Mr Mahogany and Mbabazi that there was huge mismanagement of public funds that was we’re meant for the CHOGM 2007. Also the Global Fund 2008 the scandal of drug and malaria. The money went to phony organizations and also take-away money to PMU. Termangalo land scandal the deal between NSSF and Mbabazi that forced the fund to buy the land. The ID Scandal of 2010 where the Government borrowed a lot of money and never kicked off the project (New Vision, 2013).

This shows how little serious the 8 laws and the agencies that supposed to follow the monies that are giving and shared from the government to different entities. So I do think I will comment it further.

 

Point Eight:

To prove some of the actions of the government that opposes the ideal of Point eight. “Agnes Kirabo, the FRA Coordinator, says there is no need for any apology to Ugandans or the President and that it is the President himself who should be concerned at the spate of the land grabbing vice considering that it is at the heart of failing his Ten Point Programme” (..)”Sources at ULA say that the ministry has in the past investigated their sources of funding and warned them against getting involved with Mubende issues where over 22,000 residents were evicted from their land, their crops destroyed, houses burnt from about 10 villages by security operatives to give way for a plantation forest by UK’s New Forest Company Uganda Limited (NFC) on the orders of President Museveni” (…)”Oxfam and ULA also rattled the government when they released a report indicating that 22,000 were evicted from their land in Mubende. When this reporter travelled to Mubende at the height of the crisis, officials at the Resident District Commissioner’s office which handles the land issues (showing the president direct involvement since RDCs answer mainly to the president) said that Oxfam had done a false report and asked the reporter to go back to Kampala” (…)”FRA, for instance, invited hundreds of peasants who testified about loss of their land to investors, government and army officials.  The NGOs launched the land losers’ directory on the same day. The book is intended to document all land losers” (…)”Orombi noted: “UJCC welcomes the ongoing initiative by civil society organisations that have brought together ULA, FRA and UJCC whose main aim is to educate Ugandans on their rights and challenge oppressive systems and structures that have led to unlawful eviction of thousands of Ugandans from lands they have occupied for generations. (…)”But a more contentious one that has already pitted activists against President Museveni is the Amaru eviction of over 10,000-17,000 people from Apar into pabbo sub-county. Although president Museveni has in the past threatened to deal with those who claim that government is behind evictions, increasingly, he is personally directing more and more evictions including this one and the evictees themselves are coming out to criticise him”(Matsiko, 2012).

Point nine:

“In 1983 and 1984, six countries in the Horn of Africa – Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda – took action through the United Nations to establish an intergovernmental body for development and drought control in their region. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government met in Djibouti in January 1986 to sign the Agreement which officially launched IGADD with Headquarters in Djibouti. The State of Eritrea became the seventh member after attaining independence in 1993(IGAD, 2010)”. Somali Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon Saaid commented this: “The Ugandans have contributed significantly and a lot, and this is now a critical moment and in light of that we are of the view, if the media reports turn out to be true, it may be a challenge”. On the same note the Ugandan Foreign Ministry said in a statement: “Uganda’s withdrawal from regional peace efforts, including Somalia, CAR (Central African Republic) etc would become inevitable unless the U.N. corrects the false accusations made against Uganda, by bringing out the truth about Uganda’s role in the current regional efforts” (Biryabarema, 2012). “Ugandans lead a 5,000-soldier strong contingent of African Kony-hunters operating all over central Africa, and their presence in the CAR falls under a continental mandate” (…)”Paddy Ankunda, Seleka were targeted because they have somehow allied themselves with the LRA. “We know we don’t have that mandate but since [Seleka] are in bed with our enemy, we’ll treat them as such,” he said. “Seleka had never tasted our fire. I think it was important that they taste our fire so that they are careful.” (…)”in May, Ugandan foreign minister Sam Kutesa promised the United Nations that his country would contribute 400 peacekeepers to MISCA, the African Union-led peacekeeping force in CAR (in September to become the UN-led MINUSCA)” (…)”Given Uganda’s public description of Seleka as “the enemy”, can Uganda really be trusted to act as a guarantor for peace?” (Allison, 2014).

Point ten:

“President Museveni said that the issue of their remuneration was well appreciated by the Government. However, said that the NRM Government had decided to embark on national development through emphasizing building infrastructure, such as roads, so that they would be used by the population to get homestead income. He stressed that without roads and infrastructure in general, the country cannot grow.Infrastructure such as roads and electricity were the foundation for development. Having it right in the economy would attract investments that would in turn increase employment opportunities and income generation in the country” (MediaCentre, 2014).

Afterthought:  

Now I have been beating every single point of the program. I just had to. Hope it was worth the time put in…I was thinking of adjusting the ten-point program versus Vision2040. But to address it properly would be too long and wouldn’t be sufficient in this form a blog. I sure have more evidence of how the NRM regime hasn’t lived up to the promises of the ten-point program. This is just a cup of tea. So hope it was sweat. Peace.

 

Links:

Allison, Simon (02.07.2014): ‘Analysis: Uganda sucked into CAR vortex’ Link: http://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2014-07-02-analysis-uganda-sucked-into-car-vortex/#.VHzYfzGG-So

 

Bayoumy, Yara & Biryabarema, Elias (03.11.2012): ‘Somalia wants Ugandan troops to remain’ – Link: http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/11/03/us-uganda-congo-un-idUSBRE8A207Y20121103

 

EPRC (December 2010): ‘Public expenditure tracking on road infrastructure in Uganda: The case study of Pallisa and Soroti Districts’ – Economic Policy Research Centre, Uganda

 

Prof Baryamureeba, Venansius (27.06.2013): ‘Uganda’s education system needs overhaul’, New Vision, Uganda.

 

Kobusingye, Olive (2010): The Correct Line – Uganda under Museveni, AuthorHouse, Milton Keyes, UK.

 

Matsiko, Haggai (06.05.2012): ‘Museveni angry over NGO report on land grabbing’, Independent.co.ug, Kampala, Uganda – http://www.independent.co.ug/cover-story/5726-museveni-angry-over-ngo-report-on-land-grabbing

 

MediaCentre.co.ug (02.08.2014): ‘President Commends Teachers for starting SACCOs’ Link: http://www.mediacentre.go.ug/press-release/president-commends-teachers-starting-saccos#sthash.jCGPrd9A.dpuf

 

Mugabe, Faustin (24.02.2013): ‘High-profile corruption scandals registered under NRM’ New Vision, Kampala, Uganda.

 

Museveni, Yoweri (2014): President Museveni’s statement: On the recent attacks by some schemers in Kasese and Bundibugyo, Minbane:  https://minbane.wordpress.com/2014/07/08/president-musevenis-statement-on-the-recent-attacks-by-some-schemers-kasese-and-bundibugyo/

 

National Planning Authority (April – 2010): ‘National Development Plan – 2011/12 – 2014/15’, Kampala, Uganda.

 

NewVision UG: ‘Nine corruption scandals to look back at’ – Link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/mobile/Detail.aspx?NewsID=637209&CatID=1

 

IGAD (09.01.2010)  – ‘About Us’ – Link: http://igad.int/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=93&Itemid=124

 

Observer (06.11.2014): ‘UPDF shows the way on discipline’http://www.observer.ug/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=34799:updf-shows-the-way-on-discipline&catid=35:editorial&Itemid=61

 

Poverty Alleviation Department- State House: “Uganda – 25 years of nation building and progress” (Published: May 2011)

 

United Nation General Assembly – Human Rights Council (19.02.2010) – A/HRC/13/42, Detention Report.

Picturesque: Mbabazi and Rugunda enjoying the Cranes against the Black Stars

AmamaRugunda2

When the Ghana Black Stars played the Uganda Cranes today in Kampala. This match was at Nambole Stadium. It isn’t special or significant that politicians and other ‘big men’ shows up at events like this. On the other hand nobody else expected this. Was the view of the former PM Amama Mbabazi and the newly appointed PM Ruhakana Rugunda. They we’re sitting and enjoying the match. This must make the boss, the Mzee extremly pleased where his sitting. You know I didn’t mean the last remark. But this picture is telling that the tales that is coming and going towards Mbabazi can’t be correct. Some games are coming and going. Sometimes you win and sometimes you loose, just like the Black Stars and the Cranes. Now let’s see where this takes us. Peace.

Letter of 5th November 2014 – ‘Criminal Investigation against Hon. Amama Mbabazi SC MP. Secretary General of the National Resistance Movement’

Mbabazi 4jpg

NRM are reorganizing – here are some of the new committee members.

NewCommitee

NewCommitee2

My 2 cents:

Some of this people are well recognized people by now. So I won’t comment on each of one these loyal subjects to the Mzee. But we can see the wonderboy on the first page: which is Mr. Fred Mwesigye; Who will run the Ideology committee alone.  I will not read you their long list of merits and how come they are picked. But we all know why this is happening now right? He is cleaning the camp of Mbabazi loyalist and Youth who wanted him to be the presidential candidate in 2016. It would make sense right?

Because the Yellow force with one man who has a vision and a mustard seed. We can only see that this is the way to go and how it will be. It isn’t the first clean-up in his long long reign. Last time was with Mr. Mahogony aka Gilbert Bukenya and his fall from grace. We can be sure that most of the men that has been made by the president will fall on their sword, if they don’t show loyalty to the resistance and revolutionary thinking of the Mzee. Nothing else will matter.

We’ll see how long Fred Mwesigye will lead and sow the mustard seed. We can see and then offer our thoughts to all the other appointments, but they are not as juicy. Still we all can understand the way and read between the lines of why this is happening right now. Peace.

Letters from MUK- A set gradution fee (21.10) and UPDF- On Partisan Politics(21.10)

MUK 21.10

After the unrest and issues at MUK, this is the answer today. Well, power to the people and glory to the students who are the future.

UPDF 21.10

Feel like the mail-man. But this was also to interesting to let it pass by. When I work less and have more time of. I will do more reaserch and not just drop letters. Until then have a splendid time. Peace

Interesting WikiLeaks about Uganda: Bunyoro, Lake Albert & Oil-deals

Here is WikiLeaks which shows quotes from 2007 to 2011 where Bunyoro, Rwenzuru and the security of the oil-rich Western-Uganda. Think that this should be interesting reading – also insights to the situation. Have an awesome time reading!

The Corruption story of Muhwezi and Mukula amd the NRM:

Many Ugandans were happy to see Muhwezi and Mukula, members of the so-called “mafia”, arrested for corrupt activities” (…)”oo Much or Inefficient Corruption. Kategaya and Musa Ecweru, Minister of State for Relief and Disaster Preparedness, told P/E Chief the core issue was that Muhwezi, Mukula, and Kamugisha took more money than they had been authorized and failed to account for it. Muhwezi had been found “not politically responsible” in a Cabinet white paper follow-up on the Global Fund Investigation report in March. According to the Kategaya and Ecweru, the debate within the Cabinet over Muhwezi’s fate was heated, but that ultimately a majority of ministers rallied behind Muhwezi because they themselves could be implicated for corrupt activities. The President accepted the Cabinet recommendation, but still wanted to find a way to “clip Muhwezi’s wings.” The President decided that the use of the immunization fund for personal gain would provide a strong case against Muhwezi” (…)”Succession Politics. Another possibility, and not excluded by other theories, was that the arrests were an attempt by President Museveni to remove potential successors. This includes both Jim Muhwezi and First Lady Janet Museveni. Both have presidential ambitions and both profited beyond Museveni’s expectations from the embezzlement. Muhwezi’s financial independence, alleged ties to the Forum for Democratic Change’s Kizza Besigye, and the perception that he was advancing his own political ambitions rather than the ruling party’s could have contributed to the decision to arrest him at this time. Several Cabinet members say that Muhwezi, the former Chief of Military Intelligence, has been allowed to get away with corrupt activities because he has files on key political players and the First Family and has threatened to use them” (…)”The NRM-dominated Parliament also selected Muhwezi to head the Parliamentary Group for the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting. One Cabinet member told PolChief that there are signs of other politicians rallying to Muhwezi’s side because they fear they could be next in line for an arrest warrant. Ecweru posted Mukula’s bond to demonstrate ethnic solidarity” (…)”The arrests are generating a significant amount of speculation regarding the future of the ruling party and implications for the war on corruption. Many political contacts and other Western diplomats are wondering if Museveni has a clear game plan, desired outcome, or defined roles for the IGG and public prosecutors” (WikiLeaks, 29.05.2007).

Ugandan Boarder Tension:

“Museveni and his Congolese counterpart Joseph Kabila met in Tanzania to discuss border issues after Congolese military units moved a border demarcation four kilometers into an agreed-upon no-man’s zone on the Ugandan border” (…)”Lt. Gen. David Tinyefuza, Museveni’s security czar, reported to Museveni that Congolese units allegedly erected a border crossing four kilometers on the Ugandan side of the border. However, a team of security officials led by Deputy Director of the External Security Service Emmy Allio, who is from West Nile, determined that the Congolese had not moved the demarcation posts into Uganda, only into the agreed-upon no-man’s zone. In his report to President Museveni and the Minister of Security Amama Mbabazi, Allio argued that the GOU should not “make a big deal” out of the incident. He found that the powerful Governor of Ituri ordered the move, with backing from some elements in Kinshasa, but that Kabila was likely unaware” (WikiLeaks, 21.05.2008).

”According to a joint statement released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Museveni and Kabila “noted with satisfaction” that progress had been made in the border demarcation process. They pointed to the Fifth Session of the Joint Permanent Commission in Kampala December 12-15, 2007, the Joint Border Remarking Committee in Bunia and Entebbe, and other bilateral engagement on the issue as evidence that efforts to find a diplomatic solution to the border question were ongoing” (…)”Museveni and Kabila agreed to accelerate the co-administration of the Rukawanzi Island as the demarcation process takes place. Situated on Lake Albert, Rukawanzi Island was at the center of the August 2007 border flare-up that led to the Ngurdoto-Tanzania Agreement. (Note: Congolese soldiers killed a British Heritage Oil worker in August 2007 claiming that the oil barge had strayed into Congolese waters (ref A). End note.) The prospect of oil exploration on Lake Albert, which is dissected by the Ugandan-Congolese border, has further complicated the demarcation process” (WikiLeaks, 21.05.2008).

The Oil-deals and Boarder Tension:

“The most recent border tensions comes in the wake of Kinshasa’s decision to revoke an oil exploration concession to a neighboring block in eastern Congo’s oil-rich region that it had granted to Tullow Oil and Heritage, two of four oil companies operating in western Uganda. The Congolese government awarded the tender to South Africa’s state oil company PetroSA, claiming that Tullow and Heritage violated Congolese territorial waters on Lake Albert (refs A and B), (WikiLeaks, 21.05.2008).

Museveni’s Plan to “Ring-Fence” Bunyoro:

“An internal July 15 memo from Ugandan President Museveni has deepened the ethnic divide between groups living atop newfound oil reserves in Uganda’s Western Region.  The memo, which was leaked to the press on August 2, instructs the Minister for Presidential Affairs to consider restricting key elected offices – including parliamentary seats – in what was once the Bunyoro Kingdom in Western Uganda to ethnic Banyoro only.  The memo also recommends preferential land ownership rights for ethnic Banyoro for the next twenty years.  Museveni’s memo may have been designed to appease, or perhaps distract, Banyoro leaders angered by long-standing land disputes and the government’s continued refusal to reveal plans for oil revenue sharing (reftel)” (…)”Museveni has not backed away from the idea of investing specific ethnic groups with special electoral privileges in Western Uganda, and several members of his Cabinet who hail from Bunyoro have ratcheted up pressure on Museveni to move forward with his proposal. Museveni’s apparent willingness to consider rewarding one ethnic constituency by disenfranchising many others reinforces concerns about his re-election strategy for 2011 and Uganda’s commitment to the transparent management of impending oil revenues” Sampson/WikiLeaks, 19.08.2009).

”Two other individuals of note reportedly also spoke at the August 15 Bunyoro Symposium: the Bunyoro Kingdom’s spokesman Henry Ford Miriima and Presidential Advisor on Land Issues Kasirivu Atwooki. In recent days Miriima has advocated for taking President Museveni’s “ring-fencing” idea even further, arguing that non-Banyoro living in Bunyoro should assimilate into Banyoro culture and adopt the Banyoro language of Runyoro” (Sampson/WikiLeaks, 19.08. 2009).

Tension because of Museveni’s plan to “Ring-Fence” Bunyoro:

“Tensions between the Banyoro and “immigrant” populations in Bunyoro have been simmering for some time. President Museveni’s memo significantly heightened these tensions by elevating them to national prominence. Explanations of why Museveni seized on the Bunyoro question now, after more than two decades in power, focus on two topics: elections and oil. Using Uganda’s 2002 census as a guide, one local news magazine noted that the Banyoro are in fact not marginalized and that ethnic Banyoro hold 10 of the 14 parliamentary seats from the four districts that make up the Bunyoro Kingdom. Although Banyoro appear to be the largest ethnic group in these districts, they do not hold a majority. Restricting elected offices to only ethnic Banyoro would therefore disenfranchise a majority of the population resident in these districts” (Sampson/WikiLeaks, 19.08. 2009)

“Captain” Mike Mukula, disgraced former Ugandan Health Minister and current National Resistance Movement (NRM) vice-chairman for eastern Uganda, warned that the 2011 presidential elections will be worse than the deeply flawed 2006 presidential contest. Mukula, whose political reputation was battered by the 2006 Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI) scandal, said the September 10-12 riots provided a brief preview of one potential election scenario. He also said President Museveni’s popularity was decreasing within the NRM, and speculated that Museveni may be interested in setting up his son, Muhoozi, as dauphin. Mukula said Museveni ultimately listens to only two countries – the U.S. and the U.K. – and urged the U.S. to pressure Museveni to reinstate presidential term limits. Mukula himself, however, hopes to run for president in 2016″ (…)”Mukula lost his Cabinet post in 2006 and was briefly imprisoned in 2007 after being accused of diverting USD 1.5 million from the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI) program to NRM coffers. Describing himself as Museveni’s “fall guy,” Mukula blamed his involvement in the GAVI scandal on Museveni’s need to placate international donors concerned about corruption, and his own rising popularity as evidenced by a newspaper poll that listed Mukula as more popular with the NRM faithful than the President” (…)”Now the NRM’s vice-chairman for eastern Uganda and a key member of Museveni’s re-election campaign, Mukula complained that there is no separation between the NRM and Ugandan state institutions. He called the military Uganda’s “fourth estate” and said Museveni regards the army as his personal political party. Mukula highlighted the complete dominance of Museveni’s Banyankole ethnic group throughout the government, military, and business community, and asserted that the NRM now serves as nothing more than platform for the President, springing to life only during election campaigns” (…)”Bukenya, an ethnic Baganda, as the NRM’s most popular leader. He said Museveni kept Bukenya on as his Vice President to keep tabs on Bukenya’s potential presidential ambitions” (…)”Mukula said the recent political moves made by Museveni – from pandering to ethnic Banyoro along Lake Albert (ref. A), to the recognition of the Rwenzururu Kingdom in southwestern Uganda and the decision to support the minority Banyala’s quest for autonomy from the Buganda Kingdom (ref. B) – were all designed to obtain the two percentage points needed to push Museveni from 49 to 51 percent during the first round of voting in 2011” (…)”Mukula said Museveni was increasingly patterning himself after Robert Mugabe and wants to position his son, Lieutenant Colonel Muhoozi Kainerugaba Museveni, as his eventual successor. Muhoozi returned from the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in mid-2008 to assume command of the new Special Forces, a still-murky component – or potentially entirely separate unit – of the praetorian Presidential Guard Brigade comprised of all the PGB’s elite, technical, and specialized non-infantry capabilities. Noting that Muhoozi may still be too young to mount a credible presidential bid in 2016, Mukula again volunteered that he had presidential ambitions of his own for 2016” (Sampson/WikiLeaks, 23.09.2009).

The Oil-deals between ExxonMobile/ENI/Tullow/Heritage Oil Company with corruption and deals made with the Ugandan Government:

“A December 17 report by the External Security Organization (ESO), which Intelligence Coordinator General David Tinyefuza allegedly forwarded to President Museveni, says Security Minister Amama Mbabazi is “eyeing” a $200 million commission for securing a deal between Heritage Oil and the Italian firm ENI” (…)”confidential Ugandan intelligence report on negotiations between Heritage Oil and the Italian oil giant ENI (see attached document and reftel). Tullow has previously expressed concern that ENI is using illicit payments to Ugandan officials to obtain government authorization for purchasing Heritage and depriving Tullow of oil holdings in Lake Albert” (…)”The report says western governments – including the U.S., U.K., Sweden, and France – oppose the opaque ENI deal, that Tullow hopes to sell 50% of its Ugandan holdings to ExxonMobil, and that ENI offered Ugandan officials facilitating an ENI-Heritage agreement a $200 million “commission” (…)”The report claims that Mbabazi is using a front company belonging to the European owner of Asante Oil, and that ENI representatives distributed “fat envelopes” to a number of visitors – including Energy Ministry officials, representatives from the Office of the President, journalists, and Bunyoro Kingdom officers – while installed at a safari lodge in Murchison Falls National Park close to where drilling has occurred. NOTE: EconOff witnessed ENI’s presence at this lodge during a trip to Murchison in early December. END NOTE. Much of the report highlights ENI’s Libyan ties and accuses Qadhafi of funneling money to the Bunyoro and Buganda Kingdoms to destabilize the Museveni regime. The final two sections of the report purport to “show how ENI corrupts a country’s leadership and forces them to take unpopular selfish policies,” and the “dangers” of an ENI/Libya deal” (Sampson/WikiLeaks, 13.01.2010).

Continuation of Mbabazi and Government involvement in Oil-Deals:

“We believe Mbabazi is positioning himself for a significant payoff, but the security report is undermined somewhat by Tullow’s apparent involvement in its drafting. In December, ExxonMobil said it lacked concrete evidence that its Ugandan interests have been harmed, but noted that ENI’s involvement has had a negative impact. If the Heritage-ENI sale proceeds unchanged, it will significantly reduce the value of Tullow’s Uganda holdings, zap ExxonMobil’s interest, and put Uganda on the road to rampant oil sector corruption” (Samson(WikiLeaks, 13.01.2010)

“President Yoweri Museveni has ordered the freeze in order to protect the rights of locals, whose tenure continues to be threatened by the influx of business people interested in the oil-rich land, Stephen Birahwa, a lawmaker representing Bulisa told Dow Jones Newswires” (WikiLeaks, 29.05.2011).

Peace!

Links:

Richards/WikiLeaks – [OS] UGANDA/ENERGY – Uganda imposes oil land ban – FRANCE/UK/CHINA (06.06.2011), WikiLeaks, Link: https://wikileaks.org/gifiles/docs/31/3161601_-os-uganda-energy-uganda-imposes-oil-land-ban-france-uk.html

 

Sampson, Aaron & WikiLeaks – MUSEVENI MIXES TOXIC BREW OF ETHNICITY AND OIL IN WESTERN UGANDA (19.08.2009), WikiLeaks, Link:

https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA946_a.html

 

Sampson, Aaron & WikiLeaks – UGANDA: NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT INSIDER SEES TROUBLE AHEAD (23.09.2009), WikiLeaks, Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1096_a.html

 

Sampson, Aaron & WikiLeaks – UGANDA: SECURITY REPORT DETAILS OIL SECTOR CORRUPTION (13.01.2010), WikiLeaks, Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/10KAMPALA19_a.html

 

WikiLeaks – UGANDA: MUSEVENI AND KABILA DEFUSE BORDER TENSION (21.05.2008), Link:https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/08KAMPALA674_a.html

 

WikiLeaks – UGANDA: CORRUPTION SCANDAL’S POLITICAL RAMIFICATIONS (29.05.2007) Link:https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA909_a.html

ADF or Obusinga bwa Rwenzururu? – Museveni struggle with counterrevolutionary insurgency

In 1990 Yoweri Museveni gave the Millitary Academy in Bombo a document explaining how to fight counterrevolutionary insurgency (Museveni 2000, S: 132). Why I am pointing this out today. It’s because of the tragic events in Kasese and Bundibugyo(Bagala, 2014) where its reported now 90 dead. The document was in a book published in 2000 called ‘What’s Is Africa’s Problem?’ Then I will address this document and this with the state it is in today. With doing so, I will there after discuss short history of ADF, LRA, ADM and UMLA whom all interconnected. After that show how the ADF has reacted to recent events and how we come to the news of recent of the tragic deaths in Kasese and Bundibugyo. This will be long post, but hopefully this will give you some new knowledge on the matter.

Museveni had four points to fight counterrevolutionary insurgency:

  1. Fight for the right cause
  2. The cause of the government must be for a just one.
  3. Politicizing the population
  4. Diplomatic weapons

(Museveni, 2000)

First Point: Fight illiteracy and make government policy on land for the population (Museveni, 2000, S: 132). In 2014 there new reports of bad schools and its sorry state, Margret Nakitto the Mukono Muncipal Education officer explains to Red Pepper: “We as a municipal, we always carry out village meetings with communities where the locals identify their basic necessities then we handle them over to the district that in most cases has positively responded to our requests”, she continues:”  Active learning is in government schools unlike private schools that hire mercenary who force pupils to cram what they do not understand”(Red Pepper, 2014). Second part of first point is to rebuild infrastructure (Museveni. 2000, S: 133). Museveni himself said for the budget in 2014/2015: “Uganda is now connected from corner to corner. You can now drive on tarmac road to all corners of Uganda. As a result of this shift in resources, Uganda has achieved connectivity across the country” (State House, 2014). So we have to see if that is true. The weakness of the national economy can lead to counterrevolutionary insurgency (Museveni 2000, S: 133). World Bank reports that since 1986 to 2014 the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has gone from around 4.80 Billion USD to 21.48 billion USD (World Bank, 2014). There would be issues with ideology, political and general conceptual underdevelopment (Museveni, 2000, S: 133). Reasons for underdevelopment in Uganda stemmed from the colonial administration into the new independence policies of manufacturing. The government continued with the new policies of to the agricultural sector. In agricultural sector has the focus is on the traditional foods and also the non-traditional for export like coffee. Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) has liberated the economy and also opened for more unemployment. SAP was abounded in 2009 where the focus turned into a principal marcoeconomics element such as economic growth to trickledown economy, inflation control, and export of raw materials, and also to focus on the Millennium Development Goals (MDG). Kashumbashi writes: “Uganda is now defined as a failed state vulnerable to domestic and external shocks including inability and /or unwillingness to control borders against the influx of illegal immigrants that have heightened political tensions as competition for services and resources particularly land ownership intensifies. Thus, notwithstanding its huge resource endowment and strategic location, Uganda remains mired in under-development and extreme poverty because of unfavourable economic policies and political instability, civil wars and violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms”(Kashumbashi, 2014).

Second Point: The cause of the government must be for a just one (Museveni, 2000, S: 134). Where the focus was on correct building of the army and graduation of the military (Museveni, 2000, S: 134). Museveni says: “Military training is not easy. It is tough but builds your stamina, body and character”(…)”This emphasis you have done, of political education and discipline is very welcome and I want to thank you very much for that”(UGO.co.ug, 2014).

Third Point: Politicizing a Confused Population (Museveni, 2000, S: 136). That the manipulation of the population and peasantry ignorance and bandits taking advantages previous political mobilization. There could also be tribal intoxicants with the issues between the “south” and the “north” (Museveni, 2000, S: 137). With the basis of the discipline of the army would give security to the population. Good prompt management and utilization of intelligence information for the government (Museveni, 2000, S: 137-138). Col Felix Kulayigye said “the truth telling process could turn chaotic since most of the conflicts in the country were tribal” (…) ”while many people keep accusing government of wrong doing yet there are many civilians and religious leaders who protected insurgents especially during the Lord’s Resistance Army rebel conflict” (Red Pepper (2), 2014). So there must be done something wrong by the government and the plans that Museveni had in the 1990 unto 2014.

Fourth Point: Diplomatic Weapons (Museveni, 2000, S: 139).

If you handle diplomacy in the right way and manner then will you get the weapons you need, and when you need them. So that continuance of weapons needed to combat counterrevolutionary insurgency (Museveni, 2000, S: 139-140). If the numbers from NationMaster can be used as a guideline, approximant number of UPDF forces (exact number of forces in 2000) it was 50.000 Armed Combat Forces. Battle-related deaths were in 2007 up to 91. The price of the army per capita was 6, 13 USD. Use of GDP was 2, 9% was in 2006, in 2013 down to 1, 8 % of GDP. Personnel for the army were up 47.000 in 2005. The amount of Weapons Holdings the UPDF had in 2001 was 286.000 (NationMaster, 2014). So if this numbers are somewhere near the truth of today’s picture, Museveni sure has made a well spent with Diplomatic Weapons.

Short LRA:

This was how Museveni himself in 1990 commented on how the Ugandan government should succeed in beating the issue of counterrevolutionary insurgency. This week we saw the second guerilla group in 20 years attacking northern parts of Uganda. The most famous one is LRA (Lord Resistance Army). LRA now is on the run between Central African Republic (C.A.R), Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Sudan; they are on the run from UPDF who is going after them there. This has led to clashes with ‘Seleka’ in C.A.R which wasn’t intended in general, but rumors are out that ‘Seleka’ is supporting LRA (Ronan, 2014).

Short history of ADF:

It started first of in Uganda as Ugandan Muslim Liberation Army (UMLA) this after they accused NRA (NRM) killing Muslims in 1979 at Nyamitaga in Mbabara and also the killings of Muslims at Butambala near Mpigi (Prunier, 2009, S: 84). UMLA was founded in January in 1995 (Prunier, 2009, S: 84). Monarchist of the Baganda Kingdom of Uganda wasn’t happy with the restoration of the Kabaka Mutesa II that happened in 1993 and became only a cultural institution with no power. Allied Democratic Movement (ADM) was founded in London later in January 1995 (Prunier, 2009, S: 85). The UMLA had it firsts attacks were in February at Buseruka, near Lake Albert in Bunyoro. This was on 20-28 February 1995 and went bad for the UMLA. So they fled the area and settled down in Bunia in DRC. Through the met of Tabliq a Khartoum supported group who worked together with Sudanese Army Security Service who controlled at the time Bunia Airbase and Khartoum was hostile to Uganda and NRM (Prunier, 2009, S: 86). This sponsored relationship from Khartoum led to the alliance of the ADM and the UMLA, whom became in the DRC the ADF (Prunier, 2009, S: 87).

ADF made a mark 13. November 1996. Museveni called Mobutu and told he would enter DRC to attack the ADF guerillas at their bases in Kasindi, DRC and Mobutu was surprised. Then leader of ADF Ssentamatu Kayiira said “to reintroduce multi party politics in Uganda, stop Museveni’s nepotism giving all the juicy jobs to Westerns (meaning people from Ankoli and Kigenzi) and re-establish cordial relations with Uganda’s neighbor” (Prunier, 2009, S: 120.121). This made Museveni enters the conflict at the time in DRC and fight ADF in Bunia and Kasindi (Prunier, 2009, S: 121). By mid-October in 1998 Museveni went into Sudan to fight to both strike back at LRA and also ADF since they got air support from Juba, the numbers was up to 50.000 IDPs in January 1998 and by July 70.000. Amama Mbabazi was commenting on this at the time: “Khartoum’s plan is to destabilize the region to prepare the ground for the spread of Islamic fundamentalism and Arabism”(Prunier, 2009, S: 196).

MONUC (UN Peacekeeping Force in DRC) hunted down with FARDC the ADF in late December 2005 where they ended up killing 86 ADF combatants (Prunier, 2009, S: 208).

Later the ADF still exists, but not only as guerrilla force on the footholds of Ruwenzori to a rogue mining company. They are not seeing in Kampala as a threat anymore, but something of the past (Prunier, 2009, S: 321,322).

ADF Now:

Recently suggest that ADF-NALU has 800 to 1.400 combatants in the DRC-Uganda. The funding of the organization is off Illegal logging and gold-mining, this money is being handled with a network of cars and motorcycles, this then being transferred to and from London, Kenya and Uganda. There has been attempts crush the guerrilla army in 2005 and 2010 (IRIN, 2014).

Lt. Col Paddy Ankunda of the UPDF and he comments: “The threat is real. ADF is recruiting, training and opening new camps in eastern DRC. We are alert and very prepared to deal with any attack on our side of the border” (…)”We are sharing intelligence information with the DRC government [and] FARDC [DRC’s national army] about their activities. We hope FARDC will be able to deal with the group” (…)”There is no doubt; ADF has a linkage with Al-Shabab. They collaborate. They have trained ADF on the use of improvised explosive devices” (…)”What is worrying us is that the ADF has been carrying out a series of abductions, recruitment and attacks in DRC without much resistance from FARDC”(IRIN 2, 2013). This is after what he said in 2013 and still nothing said about in international press or any action from them.

Stephen Oola commented also: “The allegations that ADF is regrouping are not new and should not come as a surprise. What should worry us as a country is the apparent collective amnesia of treating our own exported armed insurgencies as other people’s problems” (…)”The LRA [Lord’s Resistance Army] and ADF are Uganda’s problems and will remain so, no matter where they are located at a particular time, until we seek a comprehensive solution to conflicts in this country”(IRIN 2, 2013).

Museveni commented himself to African Report this in August 2013: “I have told President Kabila and the UN that they should deal with these killers” (…)”We can’t have neighbours who are murderers. ADF killers are in Congo, if they dare to if they dare to attack Uganda they will suffer the consequences” (…)”I urge Ugandans to look after our people fleeing the conflict in Congo. These are our people, the boundaries are foreign” (…)”Slowly by slowly we shall bring Africa back together. An elephant always carries the weight of its tasks however heavy” (Olukya, 2013).

Museveni congratulates Kabila on 2. December 2013 said “The DRC army operations overrun the headquarters of the ADF in the Eastern Region. I want to thank President Kabila and congratulate him upon this successful operation of flashing out the ADF” (NewVision.co.ug, 2014).

What Museveni failed with his counterrevolutionary insurgency plans from 1990?

My suggestion would be that he didn’t follow the four points of the 1990 military document given to Bombo Military Academy in Uganda. Museveni and UPDF can’t fight the right wars since they can’t have done that, then this kind of armies wouldn’t exist still after 20 years and making havoc in Kasese and Bundibugyo. The cause for safety of their own citizens should be JUST one, but does this matter at this point for the UPDF? They are used in Somalia, South Sudan, DRC and C.A.R, are there still forces to use in the country? If they are, where are they stationed at and how hungry are they? Since you can’t let the ADF just walk into your territory and start shooting without any warning, then killing both army personnel and also civilians.Politicizing the population is captured in the second point, how can a government and police let a guerrilla just walk over the borders and make hazardous event and tragic outcome. That UPDF isn’t stronger in the area must be a wake-up call for the brigadiers and generals of the Ugandan Army. This must be an answer to the ADF battles in 2013 and now their revenging the UPDF and DRC army. Fourth point is Diplomatic Weapons, I am sure that Museveni and UPDF getting the weapons he need. He has recently been in Russia and become more connected to them, also his ties to USA in the fight against LRA and the Al.Shabab in Somalia. UPDF is sure getting the modern weapons of this time from them and sure it’s part of the aid.

The sad new reports from several sources:

Paddy Akunda: “There was an attack by tribal gunmen on our barracks in Bundibugyo [Western Uganda] and we repulsed them, killing so far 41 of the attackers. The operation is ongoing”(AllAfrica.com, 2014). Ms Namaye says: “he attackers were coordinated by local leader and politicians, who are yet to be interrogated” (…)”Investigations are pointing to area politicians and a witch doctor who hails from Democratic Republic of Congo who helped them attack out stations” (Bagala, 2014). Lt. Ninsiima Rwemijuma has commented: “More than 80 suspected militants are now in custody”. The military is saying ‘it’s not a full blown insurgency’. They suspects it to be: Obusinga bwa Rwenzururu. Who is a part of the Bakonzo tribe and have a long tense relationship with neighboring tribe Bamba. Rwemijuma continues: “It is hard to confirm that this is a rebel group or not” (…)”This is a subject matter that needs investigation” (Muhumuza, 2014).

More interesting reports are armed men went into the barracks of Kasese and took ammunition from the place. Also fears of civil war sparking off in Kampala. Even UPDF Officer has reported that tanks has vanished and soldiers. Muzhoozi is reported also to hold a dozen meetings over the political unrest (Welinformers.com, 2014).

I mean it today:

Peace!

Links:

AllAfrica.com: ‘Uganda: Dozens Killed in Clash With Ugandan Police’ (06.07.2014), Links:http://allafrica.com/stories/201407070244.html?aa_source=mf-hdlns

Bagala, Andrew (Monitor.co.ug), – Death toll in Kasese, Bundibugyo attacks rises to 90, (Updated: 07.07.2014). Links:http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Death-toll-in-Kasese–Bundibugyo-attacks–rises-to-90/-/688334/2374884/-/cewe5b/-/index.html

IRIN – ReliefWeb: ‘Briefing: ADF-NALU militia in DRC’ (27.01.2014), Links:http://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/briefing-adf-nalu-militia-drc

IRIN 2 – ‘DRC-based Ugandan rebel group “recruiting, training”’ (11.07.2013), Links:http://www.irinnews.org/report/98400/drc-based-ugandan-rebel-group-recruiting-training

Kashambuzi, Eric (the London Evening Post) – Why Uganda has failed to develop and eradicate poverty (Updated: 05.07.2014), Links: http://www.thelondoneveningpost.com/features/why-uganda-has-failed-to-develop-and-eradicate-poverty/2/

Muhumuza, Rodney (AP) – ‘Fears of rebellion as Uganda’s army battles gunmen’, Stripes.com, (07.07.2014), Links: http://www.stripes.com/news/africa/fears-of-rebellion-as-uganda-s-army-battles-gunmen-1.292272

Museveni, Yoweri K. – What Is Africa’s Problem? (2000), University Of Minnesota Press, USA.

NewVision Reporter – ‘Museveni hails Kabila for flashing out ADF rebels’, (10.02.2014), Links:http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/652370-museveni-hails-kabila-for-flashing-out-adf-rebels.html

NationMaster.com: Uganda Military Stats (Read 07.07.2014), NationMaster (Updated I don’t know), Links:http://www.nationmaster.com/country-info/profiles/Uganda/Military

Olukya, Godfrey – ‘Uganda: Museveni warns DRC rebels’, African Report, (06.08.2013), Links: http://www.theafricareport.com/East-Horn-Africa/uganda-museveni-warns-drc-rebels.html

Red Pepper: ‘State Of The Gov’t Schools In Uganda’ (Updated: 02.07.2014), Links: http://www.redpepper.co.ug/state-of-the-govt-schools-in-uganda/

Red Pepper (2): ‘Kulayigye: Uganda Not Ready for Truth Telling’ (29.05.2014), Links:http://www.redpepper.co.ug/kulaigye-uganda-not-ready-for-truth-telling/

Ronan, Paul: Behind the headlines: ‘UPDF clashes with Seleka in eastern CAR’ (02.07.2014), Links: http://www.theresolve.org/2014/07/behind-the-headlines-updf-clashes-with-seleka-in-the-car/

Prunier, Gerard: Africa’s World War (2009), Oxford University Press. UK

The State House of Uganda: 2014/2015 budget poised to boost infrastructure sector (02.06.2014) Links: http://www.statehouse.go.ug/media/news/2014/06/12/20142015-budget-poised-boost-infrastructure-sector

UGO.Co.Ug: UPDF Officers Demonstrate Skills Acquired In Intense Training (02.07.2014), Links: http://news.ugo.co.ug/updf-officers-demonstrate-skills-acquired-intense-training/

WelInformers.com: ‘Senior UPDF officers vanish with military hardware, Museveni, Muhoozi hold meetings’ (07.07.2014, Links:http://www.weinformers.net/2014/07/07/senior-updf-officers-vanish-with-military-hardware-museveni-muhoozi-hold-meetings/

World Bank: Uganda GDP – (Updated 2014), Links: http://www.tradingeconomics.com/uganda/gdp

Scary NRM-Youth action for 350k UGX.

History repeat itself

 

NRM-Youth did a silly thing today and it’s scary. The NRM-Youth bowed down for a price of 350,000 UGX and also selling their soul at the same time. Just like the leaders and MPs of the time of Idi Amin did. Therefore the picture above to show how it resembles of a former time. Therefore I will not spend much time, but it is a frightening picture. How he is paying for loyalty.

Three days ago the NRM-Youth leader of Kampala Mr. Adam Luzindana got ousted for supporting Amama Mbabazi for the presidency in 2016. A new interm leader of the chapter became Mr Mark Mugwanya (Ndhaye, 2014).

So that they are kneeling for the boss is scary. Really scary, so we can see the reach of the president of Uganda. He is the sole ruler of the party! An its proving what throwing some money can do to the youth and where the money has come from, we can only guess. Sure it’s one of the reason why the civil service isn’t paid on time, to keep the different parts of the party loyal to the leader Yoweri Museveni. Peace.

Links:

Ndahye, Moses – NRM Youth oust pro-Mbabazi leader:  http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/NRM-youth-oust-pro-Mbabazi-leader/-/688334/2326214/-/k82u6r/-/index.html (25.05.2014)

Thanks to Francis Mwijukye for sharing the picture on Facebook! 

Ønske om å gjøre det rette..

Nå som jeg har sett igjennom NRKs serie: Den gode viljen. Så kan man tenke seg om. Hva er egentlig grunnen til at vi gir bistand? Er det for å forbedre vårt eget image? Er det for å øke våre politiske verdi i verden. Spesielt med tanke på at Brasil og FN er blant de som får mest bistand årlig fra Norge. FN! Hele FN systemet får mer enn de aller fleste. Vi er nummer 138 på listen i forhold til betydning. Vi kan se etter alle bøkene som har vært- både negativt til alle ideene til bistand og de som lovpriser dette. Organene, statene eller bedriftene som har en rolle i arbeidet. Som er internasjonalt. Over hele kloden. Alle har en hånd i spillet. Alle deler av regjeringer. Alle situasjoner for land som er nye blir involvert og blir en viktig aktør for flere aktører en multinasjonale organer. Heller, det som blir viktig er vår posisjon i forhold til deres. Hva kan tjenes og hvordan kan begge aktører redde ansikt. Politisk korrekthet og aksjoner blir holdt. Alt gjøres i den beste intensjonen. Vi ønsker og de fleste av dem ønsker en forandring. Ingen ønsker å gå sulten til middagsbordet. Ingen ønsker å gå igjennom livet uten en viss utdannelse. Ingen ønsker å se andre lide. Hvis gjør noen av disse delene. Er vi kalde mennesker. Mennesker som fryser på innsiden. Man blir kaldt kyniker med en gang du sier at: deler av bistanden ødelegger mer enn den bygger opp. Slik som giverland som sender brukteklær til flere land under Sahara. Dette er har i flere situasjoner under eminert den lokale klesindustrien. Fordi salget av overskuddsklær blir ett eget marked. Akkurat som brukte mobiler og alle andre gode ideer. Dette gjør at overskuddet fra den vestlige verden blir brukt for å holde de nede samtidig som det skal gjøre godt. Noe som virker fullstendig motstridene. Litt som å love å gjøre ting perfekt, men samtidig levere sukkeret, desverre ikke grøten. Du blir ikke mett på sukker. Du får bare en søt smak i munnen som blir fort vekke.

Vi ønsker å gjøre det rette. Vi ønsker å skape en forandring. Da er spørsmålet mitt? Har vi rett til å gjøre det rette? Eller det vi tror er det rette. Er det i vår rett? Vi kan se oss omkring. Ikke langt. I vårt nabolag. I vår by/bygd. Har vi gjort noe her? Eller er vi bare ute etter å redde vårt eget ansikt.

Norge og norsk utvikling har vært nesten magisk. Flere generasjoner siden var vi fattige og karsfolk. Der vi følgte fedrene og mødrene og gjorde det samme som de før seg. Fiske, jordbruk og gå til løvebakken.

I dag er det annerledes. Vi kan ikke skru tilbake klokka. Vi kan ikke gå tilbake. Vi ønsker ikke gå tilbake. Vi har gjort feil og naturligvis gjøre flere feil. Det som heller bør spør oss om. Har vi rett og kan vi skape en positiv skjebne for flere. Med de midlene vi gir. Eller er det bare et politisk spill for å få en ordning med vår poltisk agenda. Slik som våres gave kutt til Uganda. På grunn av trusselen med Anti-Gay lov. Noe som har blir truet med lenge før David Kato mistet livet. Uganda har rotet med midlene ifjor. For første gang måtte de betale deler tilbake. Av 123 millioner de fikk i direkte bistand. Måtte de betale 23 millioner tilbake. I det samme landet har Nederland og UK kuttet 33 % eller mer av bistanden. Derfor måtte President Museveni på frierferd til Moskva i November 2012. Dessuten trenger han flere våpen til UPDF og AMISOM i Somalia. Det er lett å se at våres intensjon er god. Det det heller går på. Vil vi ha dette på vår samvittighet. FN, Uganda og Brasil er bare en liten del av våres ansikt utad. Vi er i Sør-Sudan, Angola og Afganistan. Har vi noe ære. Spiller vi for galleriet. Jeg ønsker en dag å gjøre en forandring. Til tider lurer jeg på om vi gjør det rette. Om vår søken etter det gode, om det virkelig er det gode! Om ønsker baner veien til himmelen eller helvete. Vi kan ønske,vi har retten til å drømme. De har den samme retten og håpet om å skape det. Vi skal som medmennesker gjør verden bedre, slik at våres og deres barn skal leve i bedre verden enn den vi fikk. Hvis ikke dette er målet. Hva er vitsen? Har vi bare ett ønske om en grådig verden. Der pengene og hurtig fortjeneste har mer verdi enn menneske og dens mulighet til å forbedre sin situasjon. Vil vi dette? Derfor må bistand komme inn. Det er bare, har vi fasilitert og lagt det tilrette for alle. Er statene og presidentene virkelig ønske å gi dette til befolkningen. Eller er de bare store EGOER. Jeg stiller mange spørsmål. Det er enormt med elementer. Kontekst på hver del av bistand. Vårt ståsted. Deres ståsted. Deres ønsker. Våres ønsker om resultat. Det viktigste bør forsatt være å levere for en bedre hverdag for flere. Hvordan vi gjør dette og om vi kan bruke midlene smart. Sette ting i perspektiv. Straffe spøkelsene og de som gjør som Amama Mbabazi og lignende personer. Vi er bedre. De er bedre. Vi må bare gjøre ting bedre. Bruke vår viten, felles enhet og ønske. Det er idealistisk. Idialisme har en skrudd logikk. Den logikken kan skape eller lage brudd. Jeg har ikke svarene og sjeldnt har jeg det. Det som bare er ønske er at vår bistand og deres situasjon kan bedres. I sammen, men med at det er deres ønske, ikke bare vårt for å forbedre vårt image utad. Peace.