Opinion: Democratic Party and Uganda People’s Congress turns more and more into NRM-Lite!

“Power is a curious thing. Who lives, Who dies. Power resides where men believe it resides. It is a trick, A shadow on the wall.”  ― Lord Varys (Game of Thrones).

“Adjective: Denoting a low-fat or low-sugar version of a manufactured food or drink product” (…) “Origin: 1950s: a commercial respelling of light, light” (Oxford Dictionary – Lite).

This here isn’t something based on evidence, but more a genuine feeling I have is not only one I share, but many others. There is something at stake and someone who has agreed the negotiations so these so-called opposition parties isn’t really so. That is why the Uganda People Congress has some MPs in the Cabinet and the same with Democratic Party. The same can be said that both of these parties, still have slots or parts of the delegations to the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) in Arusha.

What we do know is that James Akena, the newly concurred leader of UPC could easily do some trade-off with NRM in 2015. That isn’t just mere speculation as his party did decent and there haven’t been any controversy or lashing out from NRM MPs towards the UPC in ages. Secondly, the DP has become the good DPs and the ones that even are parts of NRM Celebrations. There is something up with these two parties, just like Uganda Federal Alliance and Beti Kamya all of a sudden is a bigger support of the NRM government than the former NRM historical’s and the NRM hardliners.

The President and his NRM CEC must see their State House visits as a blessed and ease ways of figuring out how to undress the opposition and how to deal with them. All needs a meal-ticket, the question is who will give in to the regime and at what cost. Therefore, the arrangement and the deals behind the close doors show the conning way of the illegitimate regime who uses all sorts of methods to undermine the opposition. The FDC has clearly given in too, in my book, with even becoming the shadow-government in Parliament. Something the FDC NEC shouldn’t have considered and agreed upon, because when NRM together with the President agreed to get a UPC minister and DP minister, it would be hard to have shadow-government with members from these parties. That would be rare and weird to explain.

We can even wonder if Norbert Mao even cared of losing his slot as Member of Parliament in the 10^th Parliament, as the DP was behind Amama Mbabazi Presidential Candidate through the The Democratic Alliance (TDA). Why I say that now? Since he is snickering and defending the NRM on NBSFrontline, attacking Lord Mayor Lukwago and the FDC when he can, just as we would expect Akena, since he has been bought sometime during the 2015. The price and the value of the UPC is for him and his closest allies to know.

DP’s Mao on the other hand is worrying, that Fred Mukasa Mbidde went so easily and elected into the EALA, also how little care the DP has given to the DP Cabinet Member Florence Nakiwala. Who could have thought the party would trade these folks that easily? That without any worry and without care has let it go, that they have set the standard of being a mediocre party who has no courage and no fighting spirit.

Maybe, Mao has gotten tired of fighting as the campaign he himself has a Presidential Candidate was sour, it wasn’t a joyful journey as the promises and the ride against the police force wasn’t ideal. Therefore, the battle even for his own MPs place got lost and as a leader who isn’t in Parliament, while the ones in Parliament are getting cosy with the NRM. That might be why Mao is complied with the forged friendships and trading in Parliament, to make sure they can gain the most. Still, the value and integrity of DP is dwindling, with every forged agreement with NRM makes them more and more alike, less different.

The NRM regime and NRM caucus in Parliament is adding DP and UPC, they are just turning into branches of the regime instead of being rooted on their own and on their own framework. It is just like Mao and Akena, just shift-bosses instead of being their own factory leaders. They work less for their own product and delivery, more and more to please the Executive through agreements and negotiations.

That is why the NRM has swallowed their paths and the lacking spine of DP and UPC has given way for this. Therefore, the current affairs and state makes them like a light version of the NRM. For this reason DP = NRM Lite and UPC = NRM Lite. Both parties are old and have a long history; they were established long before NRM, still the abolishment from Obote, made the other obsolete. So Museveni’s trick of being in the shadows of these parties before and after the parties, this is essentially killing of the multi-party system. That the NRM are tarnishing the DP and UPC to becoming NRM knocks-offs.

All of this is mere speculation, but still, there aren’t any official agreements in public between UPC and DP towards to the NRM, but their friendliness and co-operations are evident of certain negotiated deals. You will not hear Akena or the UPC complain about the NRM, just like Mao suddenly defends on national TV their position towards NRM and attacks Lukwago. There is just some uncertainty of how and what they have done behind closed doors. Beyond a shadow of a doubt some worrying signs that can and should be questioned, especially not accept as the acceptance of these parties to the NRM gives way to establish deep concerns of the value of opposition at all in Uganda. Since the DP and UPC have been thresholds for such, now it is FDC, even with a FDC NEC who doesn’t concern their legitimising the Parliament.

We all should ask and question the recent efforts from DP and UPC as legitimate opposition, even as parties without connections or how possibly they have accepted agreements with Movement. This surpass the judgement and the recognition of their existence, it is more the mere fact of lacking attention to transparency and accountability, as they are giving way to a regime who certainly does not care about procedures or acts or rule of law. The parties are therefore giving the Movement acceptance and are silently supporting their rule with these sorts of acts. Certainly, something the founders of these parties would turn in their graves and wanted to resurrect to adjust the malfunctions of these parties. Peace.

Opinion: I miss Olara Otunnu, already!

After this General Election of 2016, he promised to step-down after the continuing process of keeping him away from the Presidency of Uganda People’s Congress as there we’re a strange placement of UPC in connection with the NRM government, as they got cabinet positions. The fighter and long-time human-rights activist and politician said he would give up politics.

“Tension at the opposition Uganda People’s Congress Party hit the boiling point on Friday, as supporters of the newly elected party President Jimmy Akena, battled with outgoing president Dr Olara Otunnu” (…) “The latter, who announced his resignation at the end of his term, is unsatisfied with the process through which Mr Akena was elected president last week, citing irregularities that characterized the entire process that must be probed” (…) “Sources in the party told us a new committee led by one Patrick Mwondha was set up, which will provide interim leadership until the July Delegates Conference when the new President will be endorsed” (…) “The council will handle all party activities leading to the July 10th National Council and July 11th National Delegates Conference” (…) “All this took place in the presence of president elect Jimmy Akena, who was occupying the party Vice President Joseph Bossa’s office” (Segwa, 2016).

This continued with a long process where Jimmy Akena finally overpowered Otunnu and kicked him out of the party, together with others who has essentially cleared the party of the loyalist behind Otunnu.

Therefore the realization that we do something bold again could appear, but instead he did this: ““Ambassador Olara Otunnu, the embattled UPC president’s time at the helm of one of Uganda’s oldest political parties is up. The man eagerly waiting to hand over power says his attempts have since been failed from 12th of June 2015,when he scheduled to officially hand over power only to be sabotaged by what he calls the Akena faction coup – d’état” (NBS TV Uganda, 10.05.2016).

Now months after I have to drop a few words for this man. Who has a long history in Uganda Politics and all of sudden has silently disappeared, something he didn’t deserve and he could have become more vital if people had given the man a chance. That is not something I alone could believe as he has been important for many during his years in the UPC. A place and heart of a fraction that Akena never can carry, because honest political craft isn’t Jimmy Akena’s way, if it we’re so the battle for Presidency of late would have been without tension, court dates and kicking out people out of the famous Uganda House.

But when looking away from the hurt, let look at the gentleman that Ugandan people now has lost, as he turned civilian and surely has a position with good people around him. Because he has the experience and the wisdom to lead and to focus his capacity at greater things!

In 1982 – New York:

“’There’s been a mistake,” he told Mr. Otunnu, who is Uganda’s representative to the United Nations. ”We don’t accept diplomats.” Mr. Otunnu kept looking, and found another apartment. ”Everything looked O.K.,” he said, ”but when I came on the appointed day with my check, I was told it was no longer available. I had a friend call up and cross-check, and he found the apartment was still available. So I went back with him, and they were embarrassed – they said the apartment was indeed available, but they couldn’t give it to me because I was a diplomat.” (…) “He found a third apartment, but he was again rejected and again for the same reason. Mr. Otunnu, who eventually found an apartment in a new building, remembers his experience with anger. But, he said, it is a ”common story” for diplomats.” (Bennetts, 1982).

In 2009 – ‘About his role in 1985:

Melina Platas Izma asks: “Some of your critics have alleged that you were involved in the coup of 1985. What is your reaction?”

Otunnu: “That is absolute falsehood. It is a vicious smear campaign being peddled for political reasons. At the time of the coup, I was based in New York. First, there were those reports about tensions in military barracks on the outskirts of Kampala. When I contacted my superiors in Kampala, I was assured that the incidents were not serious and were nothing to be concerned about. But then, in very quick order (and to my great shock), came the coup itself. I knew absolutely nothing about it and had no part whatsoever in its planning or execution. After the coup, I travelled to London for a previously scheduled meeting of the Commonwealth Commission on Small States. While in London, I was summoned home. At that time, I called Mzee Milton Obote from Shafiq Arain’s office. He told me how the coup by Bazilio Okello had unfolded. He knew I had nothing to do with it. He concluded the conversation by telling me: “The situation in Kampala is very dangerous. Be careful. And stay in touch when you can.” I did stay in touch with him. During the Nairobi peace talks, I travelled to Lusaka to consult Mzee.  Much later I would visit him while I was now based in New York. From time to time, he would send me messages. In fact one of the persons who carried an important personal letter from Mzee to me on one occasion was Chris Opoka, the current Secretary General of UPC. When I reported to Kampala, at the urging of Paulo Muwanga and Tito Okello, I accepted the assignment to initiate and facilitate the peace talks. That was my primary responsibility as minister. At the time, in a television discussion with Col. [Zed] Maruru, I defended the record and programmes of UPC from what was a wholesale visceral condemnation of the party without any regard to facts. I argued for an objective assessment of UPC’s record across the board – both its achievements and mistakes. Incidentally, soon after the coup, and before I left New York, Museveni had called from Gothenburg in Sweden (my telephone number was given to him by Betty Bikangaga from Geneva), urging me to return home to facilitate contacts and eventual peace talks: “The people who are in charge in Kampala know you and we know you; you can serve as a go-between and help to build confidence for talks.” (Izama, 2009)

His own statement in 1994 as member on the Commission on Global Governance:

“I think it would be equally difficult to have Germany and Japan join as permanent members without seeking some way to redress the imbalance which will be accentuated–the North-South imbalance within the Council. At the very least during this transitional period, we would need to have what one might call “tenured members” of the Council. Those who would serve for a period longer than two years–maybe five, six or seven years–but who would not be permanent members. A possible formula would be three-plus-one. Three tenured members would be drawn from the three regions of the world which are now not represented on a permanent basis–Africa, Latin America and parts of Asia. The remaining one would be a global seat, tenured, elected on the basis of some rough standard of good UN citizenship. It would allow a number of countries, who would not necessarily belong to the three regions mentioned previously, but who contribute very actively to the purposes of the UN, to be invited to serve on this tenured basis” (…) “Now I come to the use of the veto, which obviously has to be discussed in any context, whether it is transitional or long-term. In the long term, I am not sure what the fate of the veto is going to be. I have a feeling that it will be a major issue of discussion. As we move into a world that is more democratic (in spirit if not always in practice), the veto will increasingly be questioned. But in the transitional package, I see the veto being retained by those who now have it, for purely practical purposes. They will not cooperate on anything that prejudices their right of veto” (Otunnu, 1994).

In 2005 – His work for Children in Conflict:  

“Reacting to his departure as Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, UNICEF said today that it was deeply grateful to Olara Otunnu for being an outspoken advocate for millions of children caught in conflict around the world” (…) “She praised Mr. Otunnu for insisting that egregious violations of the rights of children in armed conflict cannot be overlooked or forgotten, and that the cloak of impunity must be lifted for all war crimes and abuses committed against children” (…) “Ms. Salah also hailed Mr. Otunnu for his close work with UNICEF in negotiating the landmark resolution passed by the Security Council last week, which establishes a comprehensive monitoring and reporting system for children affected by armed conflict” (UNICEF, 2005).

In 2007 – Otunnu could return:

“The Ugandan Government would not accept &rewarding8 the disaffected diaspora and &terrorists8 through the peace process. Museveni argued that if regime critics such as former U.N. Special Representative for Children in Armed Conflict Olara Otunnu wanted to return to Uganda to run for office, they could do so. If northern Uganda was &thirsty8 to have Otunnu represent it, then a member of Parliament should vacate his seat for Otunnu to compete” (WikiLeaks, 2007).

In 2010 – Leadership role:

“Last weekend, UPC delegates gave you a hoe to get back to work for Uganda, and the job is very big. Luckily, you bring to the job two very distinct qualities that will allow you to become part of nation building. Foremost, as a former diplomat on the world stage, you are known across the globe; when you call, leaders pick up their phones to listen. Your ability to network, and to connect internationally will serve Uganda well as a developing country” (Opiyo, 2010)

In 2013 – liberate Uganda:

“The selection of Prof Omara-Otunnu who comes from northern Uganda may raise eyebrows to many in Uganda but a source close to FUF told The London Evening Post, that the front’s leadership is determined to have leaders from all regions of the country and that no particular tribe would monopolise the front as is the case in the ruling National Resistance Movement. Omara-Otunnu will need all his international experience in bringing together many Ugandans who have for years been frustrated by Museveni’s leadership and are being united because they all share one desire, that of removing Museveni from power and returning the country back to the people” (…) “A practical idealist and visionary, Prof Omara-Otunnu has devoted most of his adult life to promoting democracy, human rights, sustainable development, social justice and the ideal and practice of a common humanity around the globe. He engages these causes as a scholar advocate and a practitioner, by shaping policy and building structures and alliances through which to effect positive change in society. For his achievements, Professor Omara-Otunnu has received international recognition, including the luminary award given by the international affairs council to individuals who have made significant contributions that have profoundly impacted the world” (Gombya, 2013).

When you see this kind of words and his rich history from the cradle and in the midst of battles as the rise of Museveni was happening, while he also became a negotiation partner for the government of Obote. So he was on the losing side of history. Olara Otunnu we’re a man who at one point of time, though if I remember correctly that the youth had a say in the Obote government after the fall of Idi Amin where Museveni we’re Minister. So the turn of the coup of 1985, made him flee and also his reputation after years abroad made him a candidate for international works in the United Nations Organizations and partners. Therefore he is man with wide knowledge of the world and of his own nation.

Therefore it saddens me that he is now totally silent. That a man of this stature we wing-clipped by James Akena. That a man of hypocrisy and deceit like Akena could bring a man like this down! Otunnu had deserved another outcome. He has been steady and wanted the positive change of an accountable-government and a transparent election where a government like that would be elected. Certainly a vision he hasn’t seen in his time. Where also a transgression in his own party lead to his fall, as Akena made power moves and in the end cut the ties with the man of a rich history and also knowledge.

Otunnu, the diplomat who has a long career has now been gone into oblivion. The reality is that the man who has worked hard for justice for children and against war-crimes. As well as working of peaceful change from Museveni. That hasn’t occurred instead a man who turned loyal against all odds to Museveni got control over UPC. The Party that are old and stood against the Museveni paradigm is now gone. The UPC that stood against and lost that is well known now.

Otunnu has had many transition and been through many storms, been in exile and been through the worst of the worst. Many might not know this, but they should. He is not a relic or forgotten man; he should be a treasure to counter the NRM propaganda and the NRM control of the historical facts. He has been in the midst of the creation of the NRM from the outside and knows what the losing team looks like. He knows the struggle to get back their legacy and recharge a broken party. A party that betrayed him and took him for granted.

UPC was too good and to deceitful to be connected with Olara Otunnu! Olara Otunnu deserves credit for the work for the cause and I miss him from the public sphere. I am sure it does him good to be out of the spotlight. But the politics and the history of Uganda needs men like this. Who fights within reason and with enlightenment, with the tact and procedure and not with brown-envelopes and impunity! Peace.

Reference:

Bennetts, Leslie – ‘DIPLOMATS HAVING TO SCRATCH FOR APARTMENTS’ (06.06.1982) link: http://www.nytimes.com/1982/06/06/realestate/diplomats-having-to-scratch-for-apartments.html?pagewanted=all

Gombya, Henry – ‘EXCLUSIVE: Otunnu set to lead new Ugandan liberation front’ (10.10.2013) link: http://www.nyamile.com/uganda-in-south-sudan/exclusive-otunnu-set-to-lead-new-ugandan-liberation-front/

Otunnu, Olara A. – ‘1994 Conference – Statement by Olara Otunnu’

Former President, International Peace Academy 1990-98; Member, Commission on Global Governance) link: https://www.globalpolicy.org/the-dark-side-of-natural-resources-st/water-in-conflict/32794-1994-conference-statement-by-olara-otunnu.html

Opiyo, Oloya – ‘Olara Otunnu, UPC has given you a hoe get back to work’ (17.10.2010) – New Vision

Segawa, Nixon – ‘Olara Otunnu Overthrown as UPC President’ (05.07.2015) link: http://www.chimpreports.com/olara-otunnu-overthrown-as-upc-president/

Melina Platas Izama – ‘Olara Otunnu on the way’ (06.07.2009) link: https://melinaplatas.com/2009/07/06/olara-otunnu-on-the-way/

Unicef – ‘UNICEF thanks Olara Otunnu’ (03.08.2005) link: https://www.unicef.org/media/media_27835.html

WikiLeaks – ‘UGANDA: A/S FRAZER DISCUSSES LRA, CONGO, AND SOMALIA WITH PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’ (14.09.2007) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA1449_a.html

History repeats itself: King Mutesa II and the KY traded his inheritance with Milton Obote; does his son, Hon. Akena sell the same inheritance of the UPC, when he goes into government with Museveni and his NRM?

“I can confirm that we are in talks whereby the core UPC minimum agenda that addresses key issues like health, education and agriculture will guide all engagements over the next 5 years. As UPC we firmly believe in the need for a peaceful transition cannot exclude Museveni, and therefore any meaningful transition cannot exclude him and NRM from this transition,” says James Akena

Just as mid-November 2015, there was speculation of a convenient marriage between National Resistance Movement and the Uganda People’s Congress, during the Campaign before the General Election of 2016 and as a preparation before the 10^th Parliament. The Parties have stalled before as the founder and first Prime Minister Milton Obote, didn’t have many kind words for now President Museveni, as his son James Akena, the now President of UPC have traded for brown envelopes of shillings and longevity. He was tired of running in the wilderness, while the NRM continue to have the finger in every pocket and he wanted to be able to get something extra. So as Mid-June 2016 and the new Cabinet, even UPC MPs was elected into the 81 large Cabinet as a token of the Memorandum of Understanding between Akena and Museveni. Something Obote back in the day would have slapped.

This is what Dr. Olara Otunnu has said about the marriage recently:

“They are his weapons of choice to destabilise UPC” (…) ”This is not an alliance between UPC and President Museveni but an alliance between masqueraders Jimmy Akena, Betty Amongi and Museveni” (…) “It is inconceivable that UPC would go to bed with President Museveni. It hasn’t happened and it will not happen. Never” (Atukunda, 2016).

Planned cooperation since 2011, apparently:
“President Yoweri Museveni on Wednesday this week held a meeting with NRM leaders from Lango sub region who were aggrieved with the appointment of 2 UPC members in the new cabinet, leaving out party members who sacrifice a lot for the ruling party. The President told the group: “I know you honourable are wondering why I picked some people out of the family (NRM) to the cabinet. I am only sorry that I did not tell you people earlier, but I have been in clandestine relationship with them (UPC) since 2011,” Museveni told the NRM members according to sources who attended the meeting” (Sewakilyanga, 2016).

So with this in mind, that Dr. Olara Otunnu has talked long time about Museveni moles in the UPC Party and with the knowledge of the UPC-NRM alliance. There are certainly that the UPC are no on the short side of the stick, as they are not the ruling party as they once we’re when father of James Akena was running the country under the UPC-Banner after independence and traded for loyal support Baganda together with the UPC-KY marriage. This was in the 1960s, but the way the party folded and lost relevance, as the resurrected Conservative Party, have never been able to take the place in the political spectrum as the Kabaka Yekka once had, as Dr. Milton Obote abolished the kingdom and also lost his place Prime Minister, before the Coup d’état against him as well, that ushers in the Dictator Idi Amin. That also opens for the surge and military operations together with Tanzanian troops to invade and set in place for a second term for President Obote. That also gives now President Museveni, a place in his cabinet, before he goes to the bush to bring down Obote. So with all the blood and tears, it is weird that the man that had the ability to bring down the father. The man who got rid of the father and run the country, are now collaborating with peaceful with his son James “Jimmy” Akena who runs his father’s party and from his father’s foundation, Milton Obote Foundation and headquarter in Uganda House.

With this quick recap of history and neglect, it is just weird that UPC who swallowed KY with ease and tried to silence the Central Kingdom of Uganda, Baganda and Mengo circuit of Kampala, still they are now forging a similar trade, as a minor agreement with NRM for their own goodwill, to be a loyal partner with NRM instead of working on their own.

So with all of this in mind, let us take a look at the 1960s struggle between convenient marriage then between Kabaka Yekka and the Uganda People’s Congress, then between the King Mutesa II and Dr. Milton Obote as they we’re going together in the first election to gain traction in the newly made Parliament and also force way for the first PM Obote, whom later would force the Baganda and king in Exile, as he wanted to centralize all power in the Executive and not have to tangle with royals or kingdoms, as he abolished it. But before that and while in the beginning, he had a cordial agreement who both parties earned on and gain majority in Parliament, as they could get a grander place then the Democratic Party of the day. Take a look!

First Report on the KY-UPC Alliance:

“According to the terms of the KY-UPC alliance, UPC leader Milton Obote became Uganda’s first post-independence Prime Minister in a coalition government with KY, while the Kabaka of Buganda, Mutesa II, was named Uganda’s ceremonial president by constitutional amendment in 1963.25 From independence in October 1962 to June 1966, however, the UPC-KY alliance disintegrated as the UPC expanded and aggressively centralized the powers of the federal government, showing little sympathy for Baganda nationalism or the rights of Uganda’s kingdom governments. Indeed, the UPC repeatedly attacked KY as a “tribal” party that was unable to meet the nation-building challenges that Uganda faced after independence” (Scott, 2006).

Report from March 1962:

“Buganda and its king, the Kabaka, have been especially reluctant to cooperate with the rest of the country in its evolution towards a more centralized form of government. On the last day of 1960 it went so far as to declare its independence from the rest of Uganda” (…)”The UPC on the other hand is determined  to get into power, and many of their political maneuvers have a reckless flavour to them. Obote is unkindly reported to be willing to sell his soul to become the first Prime Minister of Independent Uganda. Some observers feel that his compromise with the Kabaka was just that. Buganda has quite a history of broken agreements, and the big question today is how far they will honour their word to support the UPC. The Kabaka, affectionately known around here as King Freddie, is the dominant figure in Buganda. A shrewd politician, he has a remarkable ability, no doubt inherited from his illustrious forbears, of playing one side off against each other (and often winning)” (…)”The Buganda-UPC coalition had fielded a new but all but unbeatable party calling itself Kabaka Yekka (Kabaka Only). There were high spirits in the UPC Camp, while the DP was exhibiting a stiff upper lip. Both sides claimed to be able to form for a national government even if they got less than half of the seats in the Lukiko” (Wright, 1962)

“In forty-eight hours the outcome was clear. As one newspaper summarized it:

The Result as always in Buganda when the Kingdom’s status and identity seems to be threatened, was a solid closing of the ranks and yet another demonstration that, as far as the vast mass of Buganda are concerned, nationalism ends at the kingdom boundaries” (…) “soon after we talked to Basil Bataringaya, the DP’s able Secretary-General who was in charge of the campaign” (…) “He was by no means pessimistic, however, about the DP’s future. He felt it had picked up much ground outside of Buganda at the expense of the UPC since last election. He was also sure that UPC’s marriage of convenience with Kabaka Yekka would work to its disadvantage outside Buganda where most tribesmen are intensely suspicious of the Baganda” (Wright, 1962).

This is what Mrs. Winklmaier wrote on the 6^th May of 1962:

“The Election results turned out as we expected. 21 seats of the National Assembly go to Buganda. They are elected indirectly through the Lukiko (Buganda Government) That means “Kabaka Yekka” (Nur der Kabaka) The other 61 seats are elected through the people outside of Buganda in a secret election. 37 seats went to UPC (Uganda Peoples Congress) and 24 seats to DP (Democratic Party). The Democratic Party is made up of the last Government. Then there are still 9 more seats, which are elected by the new Government. UPC is more or less a communist party. I cannot understand that UPC and Kabaka Yekka went together in a coalition. I don’t think that the Bugandas are aware of the consequences yet. [ The names of these two parties alone made it clear to me, that they cannot work together.] We are acquainted with both, our new Prime Minister, Mr. Milton Obote, as well as the former DP Prime Minister, Mr. Benedicto Kiwanuka. We are also acquainted with other Ministers of the New Government. One certainly cannot say that these are incompetent people – quite to the contrary. Moskau has a very good hand and in fact understands to fish for the best” (Winklmaier, 2008).

I think that says enough and gives you’re ideas on my perspective on the matter and also see the similarties, between KY and UPC of back then and today, today it is UPC who is ones that is trading it all for the little coins in NRM cabinet, while KY traded their legitimacy together with the ambitious Obote to control the new Parliament and Cabinet, as the independent country and new government loomed the nation. Today the UPC is one of the old parties, still their weakness is so obvious as the internal conflict between Otunnu-UPC and Akena-UPC continues, while the UPC now is really embedded, as proven with the ministerial position to two party cadets, the wife of Akena and also another family member of the Obote clan in the Cabinet.

Just the proof the issues with the alliance, not only Otunnu who has issues with it, there are more men who disagree with Hon. Akena trade off. Peter Walubiri says this: “Museveni gave Akena money and soldiers and they hijacked the electoral process. He wants to take over our party but he will not succeed,” (…) “We [UPC] have not got any ministers, people can leave the party anytime they want and those too have left. We are going to expel them” (…) “Everyone supporting Akena is no longer UPC, but Movement. Those that want to eat are the ones going to Museveni” (…) “Justice Musota decided that Otunnu is still president until fresh elections are held, Akena has never been UPC president. They hijacked the electoral process” (Mayemba, 2016).

So the convenient marriage between the parties might end up with fractioned party, even more fractioned and create more fracas between Otunnu, Akena and the ones that despise the agreement made between NRM-UPC. As there was surely some who disagreed back in the day with UPC-KY agreement, though with the time, their voices have been silent or haven’t surfaced. the UPC are surely only helping Museveni and not their own cause, one can wonder how much the trade for the agreement and what cost it has for Museveni, as he get his former nemesis son James Akena on his side, with ding-ling little coins and a ministerial position, but not any real power. While the UPC continues to wrangle and in-fighting that even the agreement creates more fire, and the hut is on fire, and the whole village sees it. Akena can claim there are no fire in the hut, but the villagers see it and feels the smoke in their lungs. With this in mind, the Akena-UPC are no marginalize the UPC even more, even if he thinks he is getting a good deal, he is not. The only one earning on it is Museveni, as he get UPC embedded and under his control, while he gives away to measly cabinet position. That is for him, nothing and also scrap-metal as they are meagre seats and not pivotal in government as it is not Education, Defence or Foreign Affairs, but Fisheries and other smaller ministries that doesn’t have power or reach to create havoc. Peace.

Reference:

Atukunda, Rogers – ‘POLITICS Otunnu calls Amongi a mole, Akena fights Bbosa’ (20.06.2016) link: http://www.theinsider.ug/otunnu-calls-amongi-a-mole-akena-fights-bbosa/

Mayemba, Abubaker – ‘We shall expel Akena group for joining Museveni – Walubiri’ (20.06.2016) link: http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/44903-we-shall-expel-akena-group-for-joining-museveni-walubiri

Sewakilyanga, Ivan – ‘I started working with Obote’s son in 2011 Museveni (17.06.2016) link: http://mycampusjuice.com/2016/06/17/i-started-working-with-obotes-son-in-2011-museveni/

Scott, James Peter – ‘Re-examining Uganda’s 1966 Crisis: The Uganda People’s Congress and the Congo Rebellion’ (2006) – University of Victoria, Canada

Winklmaier, Sonja – ‘Letters From Sonja: The Unlikely UPC – Kabaka Yekka Union’ (21.05.2008) link: http://www.ugpulse.com/people/letters-from-sonja-the-unlikely-upc-kabaka-yekka-union/405/ug.aspx

Wright, Ian Michael – Received letter 10.03.1962: Letter to Nolte, Richard H. – ‘Politics in Uganda I: The hoe and The Chair’ (10.03.1962) – Institute of Current World Affairs (ICWA), New York, USA

Footage: Luweero the Killings Fields of Uganda (Interview from 1985)

The regime of Milton Obote (1980 to 1985) was characterized by an excessive disregard for human rights. Government troops massacred civilians, especially in the “Luweero triangle” in Buganda. The U.S. State Department estimated that between 100,000 and 200,000 civilians were slaughtered in the Luweero triangle by the government troops. Peter Otai, Ugandan Minister of State for Defense, was interviewed by Peter Sisson in April 1985.

NEWSWEEK/AUGUST 13, 1984 – Starvation and Slaughter in Uganda

One of the world’s most massive – and deadly – violations of human rights in recent years may now be occurring in the Luwero triangle of Uganda, according to State Department sources in Washington. That area is a center of the Baganda tribe and also the site of an ongoing insurgency against the Ugandan government. North Korean-trained Ugandan soldiers are reported to have killed thousands of Baganda. The death toll from the slaughter and from starvation is estimated to range from 100,000 to 200,000, but international refugee organizations have been prohibited from distributing food in the triangle, which is located north of the Ugandan capital of Kampala.

Mzee claims oppostions lies; a presidential candidate can’t lie he says; meanwhile his political history are built on lies!

When you have been in-charge since 1986 it’s hard to remember those days where yourself we’re luckily picked into positions of government and had real elections. Since Mzee have had total control since the bush-war! Which is a statement in itself; here yesterday he claims superstitious power and Devine right to rule. That is inspiring and terrifying. Take a look yourself!

Mzee said this about his opposition recently:

“A president is next to God. You don’t tell lies when you are a president or aspiring to be one. You cannot have a president or somebody aspiring to be a president telling lies. That is a disaster for the country. You would rather say I don’t want to comment, but to tell lies when you want to be a president?” (…)”I want people who are engaged in the elections to stop bad politics, telling lies, trying to use violence because we are not going to tolerate those mistakes, in particular the use of violence and bad politics will be resisted and defeated. This should be clear to all and sundry” (Kiggundu, 2016).

He can argue that other candidates isn’t fit, that is what politicians do and point out flaws in plans in the way they want to run their station. This isn’t that, this is calling out and saying no-body except him can. The thing that bothers me is how he talks about lies and truth as “the President is next to God” means that there is a Devine order setting the standard on his behest. Mzee the man who caught the power with the gun, claims that God have given him the right.

The lying is just wrong in many ways, he has been telling stories for thirty years, promised to retire more than twice and changed his mind about the constitution more than any kind of totalitarian leaders world-wide. So that he talks about leaders lying is like throwing stones in a glass-house, aye?

That he is messed up with the engagement into politics is meaning that it’s okay if it is on his terms. Something that is common now this days or facilitated to Mzee wishes. Like it is amazing “I don’t want to comment”. Than displaying his thoughts anyway: “but to tell lies when you want to be a president?” Well, he should know the answer to this, because he has forgotten the history of losing the rigged 18^th September 1980 Parliamentary Election as the leader of the newly founded Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) and got only one seat and a meager display. As disaffection with the Electoral Commission of the time he went into the bush and started the National Resistance Army (NRA). Because he couldn’t stand the Obote II government he had ushered in together with help of Tanzanian forces that we’re God-sent to end the Idi Amin Dada dictatorship. Something many people are grateful for!

So let me point out the lie in the matter of hand as he says the Opposition lies. They claim the same as he did in the 1980s of fraudulent and rigged elections. There have been proofs of that ever since the Electoral Commission has run multi-party elections since 2001. Because the numbers towards the changed NRA into the political party National Resistiance Movement (NRM) shows startling numbers that only can be beaten by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and now political party Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) who have run the country with nearly no obvious opposition. There been proof of stronger opposition in Uganda, so there is definite a lie. A lie that the world knows and the election observers since 2001 could tell or read through reports on these elections tells of malfunctions and frauds done by the ruling-party. Just like the lies of the political freedom and genuine candidates for the general election February 2016 from the NRM.

 

The man who made himself a hero because a lost election and have ever since rigged elections. First by not opening for multi-party systems meaning he neglected the oldest parties of the land Uganda People’s Congress and Democratic Party. The Buganda Kingdom party Kabaka Yekka (KY) we’re long gone since Obote, Mzee former running mate who he needed to get closer to power disfranchised the kingdoms and banished them. That is while you we’re in the bush we’re doing secret deals with Kabaka and his men. Because your needed their support to regain strength for the future dealings and strong leadership. That is another lie Mzee now deflects and tries to avoid since he try at any cost to add more kingdoms and fiefdoms to regain more loyal cronies that will not be political henchmen, but loyal subjects to his will since they will get a cultural position in their respected region.

Mzee, your claiming that opposition is making bad politics. That is way for you’re to lie, since you’re the guy who has set the standard for the politics done in the land in the recent decades. So if somebodies does bad politics in the land it’s because for the simple matter the executive have made it happen that way and rubberstamped it. The opposition which is still marginal in seats and places of power and with a shadow government doesn’t have the force to make that change, they can at least stifle business, but the NRM and their loyal paid cronies can decided the basic business.

Mzee I could go on and on. There is enough footprints in the sand been made since you started your political walk since you left University of Dar Es Salam in 1970s and started his political journey from there. Where he also went into wars and made civil war for his own gain and kept it ever since. That is not Devine powers next to God, that is the power invested in guns and alliance with necessary people to gain it, and then never leave.

Mzee, have enough lies on his own and to claim things on the opposition is just foul play, but at this rate it’s business as usual. Peace.

Reference:

Kiggundu, Edris – ‘Besigye not presidential material – Museveni’ (01.01.2016) link: http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/41889-besigye-not-presidential-material-museveni

Weird team-up between UPC and NRM; getting crazier by the moment; beating history

There has been talking of a weird marriage in Uganda. Therefore I have to address it. First by the history between these parties, the parties I talk about are the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC). There has been rifts between the and that for several reasons. It started decades ago. Decades ago between people who is gone and the still sole-candidate of the NRM then NRA. NRM got help to reach power by collaborating with UPC and their then leader Milton Obote. That is history that has vanished from the surface. If it wasn’t from the okay from Julius Nyerere the leaders wouldn’t have toppled the then dictator Idi Amin. But this story here isn’t about that marriage between them. It’s about the recent events happening in the last two days. Firstly I will address certain history and also pointers from the President Musveni himself. Then secondly see more narrow history and events that shows how strange it is to see UPC goes in talks with NRM. That NRM and President Museveni actually thinking of it, is countering everything for why they went against in 1980s and defiance against them in 1990s.

History – UPC and NRM:

“Museveni’s decision to fight the newly elected government followed that of former Amin soldiers who had already regrouped in the then Zaïre and southern Sudan and were executing a low-intensity insurgency involving sporadic incursions into the West Nile region” (…)”Following his decision, other fighting groups emerged, also seeking to topple the new government. Lack of organisational capacity for some, and for others failure to articulate a broad political agenda beyond simply toppling Obote, prevented them from developing into effective military threats to the government. However, owing in large part to experience gained from its predecessor FRONASA, Museveni’s National Resistance” (…)”Movement evolved into a broad-based movement able to galvanise a wide cross-section of society behind it. Several attempts at forming a broad united front failed (Bwengye 1985)” (Golooba-Mutebi, 2008).

“The 1980 controversial elections, organized on the multiparty basis, failed to produce a clear winner, sparking off another wave of instability and civil strife. Between 1981 and 1986, the country suffered a guerilla war fought by a National Resistance Army (NRA), spearheaded by Yoweri Museveni. The guerilla war partly failed Obote’s second Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) government efforts to return the country to normalcy”(…)” In the 1980’s parties existed but their members were constantly harassed, in many cases accused to be alleged collaborators with the National Resistance Movement (NRA) that fought in the UPC government. Despite these extraordinary constraints, parties remained resilient in Uganda’s politics. This disapproves the claim by Museveni that parties are only good for industrial societies (Museveni 1992)” (Makara, 2010).

“Consequently, the December 1980 elections were held under a tense atmosphere of considerable controversy, mistrust, political violence and threats of civil war. The UPC government which came to power after the elections was therefore faced with a crisis of legitimacy. In February 1981, Yoweri Museveni who had threatened to ‘go to the bush’ and wage war if the elections were rigged, launched a guerrilla war against the UPC government” (Omach).

“The National Resistance Movement (NRM) is a movement to resist UPC or what UPC stands for, i.e. national-democratic liberation. The earliest incidence of this resistance is given to us by none other than the founder of the NRM, Yoweri Museveni” (Adhola)

He recounts:

“We were staunchly anti-Obote. On 22 February 1966, the day he arrested five members of his cabinet, three of us, Martin Mwesigwa, Eriya Kategaya and myself went to see James Kahigiriza, who was the Chief Minister of Ankole, to inquire about the possibility of going into exile to launch an armed struggle. Kahigiriza discouraged us, saying that we should give Obote enough time to fall by his own mistakes. We saw him again a few weeks later and he gave us the example of Nkrumah, who had been overthrown in Ghana by a military coup two days after Obote’s abrogation of the Uganda constitution. Kahigiriza advised us that Nkrumah’s example showed that all dictators were bound to fall in due course. Inwardly we were not convinced. We knew that dictators had to be actively opposed and that they would not just fall off by themselves like ripe mangoes. Later I went to Gayaza High School with Mwesigwa to contact Grace Ibingira’s sister in order to find out whether she knew of any plans afoot to resist Obote’s dictatorship. She, however, did not know of any such plan. We came to the conclusion that the old guard had no conception of defending people’s rights and we resolved to strike on our own (Museveni, Y. 1997:19)” (Adhola).

Some more NRM – UPC:

“The national-democratic forces made great gains in the struggles of the mid-60s. The war the NRM waged has simply served the reactionary forces. Upon coming to power, Museveni immediately moved against his most serious enemy, the Uganda Peoples’ Congress. His aim was to completely obliterate UPC. To this effect, immediately upon coming to power, the NRM decreed, through Legal Notice Number 1/1986, a ban on political parties. This ban was rationalised through a series of assertions that amounted to irrational reasoning” (Adhola).

Recent history:

“The NRA/M used scaremonger tactics to sow seeds of discord and undermine support for Paul Ssemogerere in the southern part of Uganda. Paul Ssemogerere’s alliance with the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) and his statement that he would not oppose return to Uganda of former President Milton Obote, were used by the NRM to scare people from voting for him. Thus instead of using democratic elections to resolve conflicts, the NRM leadership used the elections to entrench the north-south divide and to maintain the southern consensus on which it relies to remain in power. The results of the presidential elections reflected the regional north-south divide. Thus, although Yoweri Museveni won the presidential elections with about 75 per cent, he lost by a wide margin in war ravaged northern Uganda. The same voting pattern was repeated during the 2001 and 2006 elections, which indicated a deepening of the north-south rift” (Omach).

Milton Obote statement in 1990:

“My 1987 Paper is now a “prohibited document” in Uganda and Kagenda Atwoki, the Administrative Secretary of the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) is now on trial for being in possession of it. Atwoki had been reported by the BBC as having said that Museveni’s well known wars were wars by the regime against the people. He was arrested and detained but was later charged with “being in possession of a prohibited document” despite the fact that the Paper had never, to date, been gazetted as “prohibited” in accordance with the Uganda law of sedition. Atwoki remains charged illegally but the real reason for his suffering is because he dared to expose Museveni’s massacres” (…)”he ban on political activities applies only to the UPC. The definitive political target of Museveni’s National Resistance Movement (NRM) and its armed core the NRA is the “Removal of UPC/Obote’s dictatorship by force of arms”. The document was issued in 1987. Having observed the DP leaders at close quarters throughout 1986 as members of his Cabinet, I have confirmed that the NRM/NRA and the DP had one common target: the destruction of the UPC, not by the ballot but by force. Having found that the DP was, so to speak, a toothless bulldog, Museveni ordered the production of Appendix One in 1987. The destruction of the DP is in Paragraph 3.3 of that document but even that fact has not diminished the attachment of the DP leaders to Museveni’s regime” (…)”After he had overthrown the Okello Junta, Museveni wasted no time in ordering an onslaught onto members of the UPC throughout Uganda especially in the Eastern Region. As an excuse to kill, arrest and beat, terrorize and brutalize UPC members in Busoga, Bukedi, Bugisu, and Sebei, Museveni’s functionaries invented what they called “Force Obote Back Again” (FOBA) Movement. No such movement ever existed but thousands of UPC members were killed, arrested and detained, terrorized and brutalized for allegedly belonging to it. It is a sad commentary that the DP leaders and members not only gleefully welcomed but also assisted the NRA in the persecution of UPC members. Today, the ordeal covers and affects all in the East and North irrespective of Party affiliations; and as their members groan and die together, of course with UPC members, Ssemogerere and other leaders of the DP see nothing untoward with Museveni’s regime. Being a Minister in Museveni’s regime would appear to them to be of greater importance than the groans and deaths of thousands upon thousands of fellow citizens” (Obote, 1990).

Press release from 2001:

“The rampant and wanton intimidation, abduction, killing and deliberate and ferocious, installation of a sense of fear in the minds of the citizens perpetuated by the armed supporters of Lt. Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. Museveni’s record of killings is recorded in the districts of Luwero triangle where he supervised the murder of most UPC leaders, chiefs and supporters and hid them in mass graves. He later commissioned Capt. Zizinga to exhume their skulls and parade them as victims of the UNLA. He has recently stated his intention to continue displaying the skulls in Luwero perhaps to permanently remind Ugandans and the world of his exploits” (…)”Instead of sorting out the political mess that he has created in Uganda, he has resorted to misinformation. He has again tried to drag UPC and its leader Milton Obote in his problems. On the occasion of opening the Workers House Museveni was at it again. He claimed that UPC took workers money to build Uganda House” (…)”UPC is not a body corporate and does not own Uganda House. In the Consent Judgment signed by Museveni’s government and MOF, the owner of the house is clearly stated to be MOF” (…)”All lawful and peaceful avenues to challenge the illegitimate actions of the monolithic regime as UPC has always advocated have now been closed and all indications are that as a last resort survival strategy the people of Uganda may resort to violent and illegal actions to restore Uganda to constitutional order and to stop further political disintegration. Since UPC is debarred from organising at the grassroot level, it is not in a position to dissuade or deter any persons who may be driven to take the violent or illegal path” (UPC, 2001).

This here has been the historical part between them. I will now bring recent events in the UPC to show the frictions and weakness of it. To prove how volatile it is and wonder what argument the leadership of UPC has to support and make a coalition with NRM, instead of the other opposition parties in the The Democratic Alliance with the likes of JEEMA, UFA; DP, PPP and FDC.

So let’s see something in narrow history that gives the fractions growing in the UPC:

In 2011:

“Yesterday the UPC party president Mr. Olara Otunnu made changes in the National Party Officials and dropped two people namely; the Party Secretary General Mr. John Odit and the Secretary for Policy and National Mobilization, Mr. David Pulkol” (…)”What is more astonishing is that the party president has chosen to sack Odit and Pulkol at a time when they are just returning from a field trip together with other party officials where regional meetings aimed at strengthening our party structures have been successfully held in Busoga, Bugisu, Bukedi, Sebei, Teso, Karamoja, Lango, Acholi and Westnile. Bunyoro, Toro, Ankole and Kigezi meetings cannot be stopped and must take place by 22nd December 2011 as scheduled. Likewise, the Buganda grassroots elections, which Otunnu has severally tried to block in vain, will continue undisturbed till we are sure the job is fully done.”  (…)”Aware that Otunnu has since his election as party president been a man of mixed signals, secrecy and clandestine movements we would also like to use this occasion to disassociate ourselves from his activities for the sake of building, a reliable, dependable, transparent and law abiding party. As people who have worked with Mr. Otunnu we would like to painfully state, especially for the benefit of all party members, that Mr. Otunnu has never liked and does not love UPC. This could possibly explain why he forgot to vote for himself moreover after using 100% of all the available party funds then for his presidential campaigns alone” (UPC, 2011).

In 2015:

“Following the ruling of Hon. Justice Yasin Nyanzi of the High Court of Uganda (civil Division) on an application for Interim order filed by Olara Otunnu and Five others Misc.application No 412/2015 arising out of Civil Suit No 238 of 2015 made on 30th October 2015, in which Amb. Olara Otunnu (Ex-UPC Party President) had sought an injunction against the UPC Leadership of Hon Jimmy Akena from performing his duties and functions, the decision of UPC members across Uganda as affirmed in the UPC District Conferences presidential Elections and the UPC Delegates Conference of 30th May 2015 and 1st July 2015 respectively was reaffirmed by the High Court of Uganda. This therefore clears the confusion created by the Ex-President of UPC Amb Olara Otunnu about the legitimacy of the Leadership Hon Jimmy Akena. The Leadership of Party President Jimmy Akena extends an olive branch to all Party members who had been caught up in this confusion to rally behind the party” (UPC, 2015).

There is as you seen been steady frictions between the parties for several reasons because of the leadership of both parties. This is natural especially when at one set of time the one party was ruling and it actually the party that was ruling in 1960s and later in 1980s before the bush-war put the other party to be the ruling party. The rhetoric from them both is natural, because those both want to power and now the NRM-Regime is clinging to power. There have even been more movement from the NRM towards the UPC then you might expect.

So that Olara Otunnu said this in November last year:

“It is not about a little piece here, a little leg there, you fix this, and you bridge this gap, no. The system as it is now; the status quo is completely without any legitimacy. It is a system which is integrated, married into State House machinery and controlled by Yoweri Museveni at State House. We want to dismantle that and put in its place a new system which can guarantee free and fair elections” (…)”But there are Museveni elements within UPC and have been using UPC colours; using UPC shelter to cause problems within the party and to push Museveni’s agenda within the party” (NewVision, 2014).

On Olara Otunnu leadership and Museveni:

“The UPC members in the northern Kole District have abandoned their party leader, Dr Olara Otunnu, claiming he lacked the capacity and vision to carry the mantle for the people of Uganda” (…)”“We are not going to base our support on partisan politics, we want leaders who can lead the people of Uganda and this time around, we don’t see any one, apart from Mr Museveni. He should rule until he dies,” said Aboke Sub-county official Boniface Odyek” (Oketch, 2014).

So with the fall of Olara Otunnu of the UPC has been a steppingstone for the Jimmy Akena.” Son of the late Dr. Milton Obote and Lira Munipality MP Jimmy Akena has been voted as the new Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) President.  Delegates from 62 districts in Uganda chose to entrust the party leadership with the son of the party founder “ (…)”Akena’s victory implies that the Obote family once again takes charge of Uganda’s oldest political party. Akena replaces Olara Otunnu who failed to unseat President Museveni in the 2011 elections” (Ortega, 2015).

So that the son of Milton Obote is now in talks with Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and his NRM to have a merger/union or marriage between them during this 2016 is a special one. Especially with the history between the parties; NRM has since day one tried to dissolve the UPC. UPC has never had the same interest of NRM, for the simple reason Museveni never wanted the Uganda UPC wanted to have. Because the Uganda UPC wanted to have was a certainty that NRM and Museveni was not the Mzee and the commander in chief.

The rhetoric and history between should alone tell the tale. It’s so significant if the son of UPC founder Milton Obote – Mr. Jimmy Akena takes his father’s party into an agreement with his arch-enemy Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. That is significant!

Milton Obote was even years after defending his party and ways. All of choices in his two short terms wasn’t also that wise; for instance with taking powers away from the kingdoms and their kings. That gave the public and power reach the levels that made the country react to it. That gave an edge to NRA/M. They could promise securities and reinstate the kingdoms.

If we go further into the recent; the way the fall of Olara Otunnu seems like Jimmy Akena has taken it with force and had to get it verified by court. That doesn’t seem like a healthy party structure. Museveni has taken and seen these fractions inside the party.

If that wasn’t enough; Olara Otunnu was working together with the TDA and other oppositions. Even if his maiden party hasn’t had that coming and their Head Chief sees it differently… Jimmy Akena has said this in September: “TDA wants UPC to use its colour orange, instead of our colours. There is no way UPC can do without the red colour” (…)“If we cannot agree on what we are struggling for, it’s going to be hard to unite” (Apunyo, 2015).

Jimmy Akena said this later in September: “I have come to protest UPC’s alleged endorsement of any candidate in the TDA race” (…)”Our party withdrew from TDA long time ago. We didn’t want our name dragged into something we didn’t know” (Kazibwe, 2015).

So that the party went out of the alliance they also lost a lot of goodwill from the other opposition parties. Also they still don’t have a clear mandate for presidency because Jimmy Akena didn’t even put the effort in become a President or filling in the Nomination. So that their have to have an agreement with somebody else to gain traction in 2016. This is all ironic coming how the UPC organization and members has blamed Olara Otunnu for the way the results was after 2011.

Jimmy Akena is not looking solid either if he sells his father’s heritage to becoming the NRM bedfellow. NRM has not the interest of the UPC. UPC is supposed to be a genuine party with its own interest. The same is it with NRM. Also the same with the parties that is a part of the Democratic Alliance which also supposed to have their own agenda and goals in the coming general election that we all know about.

UPC is allowed to go into alliance for their benefit. But they should also think of what their gaining because the NRM is just a vessel of loyalist of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. The man who has since the beginning of the 1980s has been totally against the UPC, because himself want sole power and sole-candidacy. Therefore it took years after 1986 before the Movement system was strong enough and the legitimacy was there, then he “released” the parties again. One of them apparently happens to be UPC, which he has had a passion trying to destroy. That was because this party was in his way to power.

So Jimmy Akena must have been greased especially with the moles that Olara Otunnu was talking about November 2014. Akena might be one of them. Still strange from an outsider knowing the history between Mzee and UPC; which the UPC wants to collaborate with NRM. Seems for a ten-years ago something fitting in a sci-fi novel or John Grisham spy-novel.

But now we are here. And if they sign an agreement with NRM; then the UPC has sold it soul to the NRM. NRM has only to get more legitimacy from somebody especially with nearly all the rest of the parties joined hands toward the Presidential candidate of Amama Mbabazi. That must be a torn and also with FDC’s strongman who is getting a vivid following of Dr. Kizza Besigye. That he is talking and negotiating after the Kofi Annan Foundation in London.

NRM must have felt weaken by the TDA. UPC must have felt left alone when they did leave the TDA. NRM had not an invitation to join the TDA. That was because the TDA has one function to get the NRM-Regime away from Power. UPC doesn’t have the same power as the ruling parties and have suction in most areas of the country. That is what UPC is buying. UPC can’t be that weak, except they are being greased or offered something they can’t refuse.

UPC and Akena will never be forgiven if they agree with NRM. Not because all the people’s in NRM is greedy. But many of them are and many are there just to earn the coins. They had proven since 1986 that at one-point they lost the Taxation with Representation. UPC will be like a branch to the Movement System and LDCs instead of their own. Museveni is ruling with Iron Fists. Akena will only gain money and might even position in the coming rigging elections. But the pride of being a strong opposition he is not. That we can also see with the way of handling the TDA and the new coming deal in the NRM. Peace.

Reference:

Adhola, Yoga – ‘UGANDA PEOPLE’S CONGRESS AND NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT’ link: http://www.upcparty.net/memboard/UPC%20and%20NRM.pdf

Apunyo, Hudson – ‘Akena explains why UPC is not in TDA’ (14.09.2015) link: http://www.elections.co.ug/new-vision/election/1000620/akena-explains-upc-tda

Golooba-Mutebi, Frederick – ‘COLLAPSE, WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN UGANDA

AN ANALYTICAL NARRATIVE ON STATE-MAKING’ – Working Paper No. 27 – Development as State-making (January 2008) – Crisis States Working Papers Series No 2,  LSE Destin Development Studies Institute

Kazibwe, Kenneth – ‘Akena Storms TDA; Denounces Mbabazi Endorsement’ (25.09.2015) link: http://www.chimpreports.com/akena-storms-tda-denounces-mbabazi-endorsement/

Makara, Sabiti – ‘Deepening Democracy Through Multipartyism:The Bumpy road to Uganda’s 2011 elections’ (11.04.2010)

NewVision – ‘‘Museveni has moles in UPC’ – Otunnu’ (30.11.2015) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/662364–museveni-has-moles-in-upc-otunnu.html

Obote, Milton – ‘NOTES ON CONCEALMENT OF GENOCIDE IN UGANDA’ (April, 1990) link: http://www.upcparty.net/obote/genocide.htm

Oketch, Bill – ‘Uganda party endorses Museveni for life presidency’ (06.11.2014) link: http://www.africareview.com/News/Uganda-party-endorses-Museveni-for-life-presidency/-/979180/2513500/-/ehxho6/-/index.html

Omach, Paul – ‘Democratization and Conflict Resolution in Uganda’ link: http://ifra-nairobi.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/1Omach.pdf

Ortega, Ian – ‘Late Obote’s Son, Akena Declared UPC President’ (02.06.2015) link: http://www.independent.co.ug/news/136-the-news-today/10303-late-obotes-son-akena-declared-upc-president

UPC- ‘Press Statement: MUSEVENI’S RECORD AND LEGACY: DRIVING UGANDA TO CATASTROPHY’ (09.05.2001) link: http://www.upcparty.net/press/museveni_record.htm

UPC – Press Statement – (4^th November 2015) link: http://www.upcparty.net/press/Press4Nov2015.pdf

UPC – ‘Press Release: Defying Olara Otunnu in defence of UPC’ (13.12.2011) link: http://www.upcparty.net/press/13dec11.htm