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Bill Clinton’s remarks honoring genocide survivors in Kigali, Rwanda March 25, 1998

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Thank you, Mr. President. First, let me thank you, Mr. President, and Vice President Kagame, and your wives for making Hillary and me and our delegation feel so welcome. I’d also like to thank the young students who met us and the musicians, the dancers who were outside. I thank especially the survivors of the genocide and those who are working to rebuild your country for spending a little time with us before we came in here.

I have a great delegation of Americans with me, leaders of our Government, leaders of our Congress, distinguished American citizens. We’re all very grateful to be here. We thank the diplomatic corps for being here, and the members of the Rwandan Government, and especially the citizens.

I have come today to pay the respects of my Nation to all who suffered and all who perished in the Rwandan genocide. It is my hope that through this trip, in every corner of the world today and tomorrow, their story will be told; that 4 years ago in this beautiful, green, lovely land, a clear and conscious decision was made by those then in power that the peoples of this country would not live side by side in peace. During the 90 days that began on April 6, in 1994, Rwanda experienced the most extensive slaughter in this blood-filled century we are about to leave – families murdered in their homes, people hunted down as they fled by soldiers and militia, through farmland and woods as if they were animals.

From Kibuye in the west to Kibungo in the east, people gathered seeking refuge in churches by the thousands, in hospitals, in schools. And when they were found, the old and the sick, the women and children alike, they were killed – killed because their identity card said they were

Tutsi or because they had a Tutsi parent or because someone thought they looked like a Tutsi or slain, like thousands of Hutus, because they protected Tutsis or would not countenance a policy that sought to wipe out people who just the day before, and for years before, had been their friends and neighbors.

The Government-led effort to exterminate Rwanda’s Tutsi and moderate Hutus, as you know better than me, took at last a million lives. Scholars of these sorts of events say that the killers, armed mostly with machetes and clubs, nonetheless did their work 5 times as fast as the mechanized gas chambers used by the Nazis.

It is important that the world know that these killings were not spontaneous or accidental. It is important that the world hear what your. President just said: They were most certainly not the result of ancient tribal struggles. Indeed, these people had lived together for centuries before the events the President described began to unfold. These events grew from a policy aimed at the systematic destruction of a people. The ground for violence was carefully prepared, the airwaves poisoned with hate, casting the Tutsis as scapegoats for the problems of Rwanda, denying their humanity. All of this was done, clearly, to make it easy for otherwise reluctant people to participate in wholesale slaughter.

Lists of victims, name by name, were actually drawn up in advance. Today, the images of all that, haunt us all: the dead choking the Kigara River, floating to Lake Victoria. In their fate, we are reminded of the capacity for people everywhere, not just in Rwanda, and certainly not just in Africa but the capacity for people everywhere, to slip into pure evil. We cannot abolish that capacity, but we must never accept it. And we know it can be overcome.

The international community, together with nations in Africa, must bear its share of responsibility for this tragedy, as well. We did not act quickly enough after the killing began. We should not have allowed the refugee camps to become safe havens for the killers. We did not immediately call these crimes by their rightful name: genocide. We cannot change the past, but we can and must do everything in our power to help you build a future without fear and full of hope.

We owe to those who died and to those who survived who loved them, our every effort to increase our vigilance and strengthen our stand against those who would commit such atrocities in the future, here or elsewhere. Indeed, we owe to all the peoples of the world who are at risk because each bloodletting hastens the next as the value of human life is degraded and violence becomes tolerated, the unimaginable becomes more conceivable – we owe to all the people in the world our best efforts to organize ourselves so that we can maximize the chances of preventing these events. And where they cannot be prevented, we can move more quickly to minimize the horror.

So let us challenge ourselves to build a world in which no branch of humanity, because of national, racial, ethnic, or religious origin, is again threatened with destruction because of those characteristics of which people should rightly be proud. Let us work together as a community of civilized nations to strengthen our ability to prevent and, if necessary, to stop genocide.

To that end, I am directing my administration to improve, with the international community, our system for identifying and spotlighting nations in danger of genocidal violence, so that we can assure worldwide awareness of impending threats. It may seem strange to you here, especially the many of you who lost members of your family, but all over the word there were people like me sitting in offices, day after day after day, who did not fully appreciate the depth and the speed with which you were being engulfed by this unimaginable terror.

We have seen, too – and I want to say again – that genocide can occur anywhere. It is not an African phenomenon and must never be viewed as such. We have seen it in industrialized Europe; we have seen it in Asia. We must have global vigilance. And never again must we be shy in the face of the evidence.

Secondly, we must, as an international community, have the ability to act when genocide threatens. We are working to create that capacity here in the Great Lakes region, where the memory is still fresh. This afternoon in Entebbe leaders from central and eastern Africa will meet with me to launch an effort to build a coalition to prevent genocide in this region. I thank the leaders who have stepped forward to make this commitment. We hope the effort can be a model for all the world, because our sacred task is to work to banish this greatest crime against humanity.

Events here show how urgent the work is. In the northwest part of your country, attacks by those responsible for the slaughter in 1994 continue today. We must work as partners with Rwanda to end this violence and allow your people to go on rebuilding your lives and your nation.

Third, we must work now to remedy the consequences of genocide. The United States has provided assistance to Rwanda to settle the uprooted and restart its economy, but we must do more. I am pleased that America will become the first nation to contribute to the new Genocide Survivors Fund. We will contribute this year $2 million, continue our support in the years to come, and urge other nations to do the same, so that survivors and their communities can find the care they need and the help they must have.

Mr. President, to you, and to you, Mr. Vice President, you have shown great vision in your efforts to create a single nation in which all citizens can live freely and securely. As you pointed out, Rwanda was a single nation before the European powers met in Berlin to carve up Africa. America stands with you, and will continue helping the people of Rwanda to rebuild their lives and society.

You spoke passionately this morning in our private meeting about the need for grassroots efforts, for the development projects which are bridging divisions and clearing a path to a better future. We will join with you to strengthen democratic institutions, to broaden participation, to give all Rwandans a greater voice in their own governance. The challenges you face are great, but your commitment to lasting reconciliation and inclusion is firm.

Fourth, to help ensure that those who survived, in the generations to come, never again suffer genocidal violence, nothing is more vital than establishing the rule of law. There can be no place in Rwanda that lasts without a justice system that is recognized as such.

We applaud the efforts of the Rwandan Government to strengthen civilian and military justice systems. I am pleased that our Great Lakes Justice Initiative will invest $30 million to help create throughout the region judicial systems that are impartial, credible, and effective. In Rwanda these funds will help to support courts, prosecutors, and police, military justice, and cooperation at the local level.

We will also continue to pursue justice through our strong backing for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. The United States is the largest contributor to this tribunal. We are frustrated, as you are, by the delays in the tribunal’s work. As we know, we must do better. Now that administrative improvements have begun, however, the tribunal should expedite cases through group trials and fulfill its historic mission.

We are prepared to help, among other things, with witness relocation, so that those who still fear can speak the truth in safety. And we will support the war crimes tribunal for as long as it is needed to do its work, until the truth is clear and justice is rendered.

Fifth, we must make it clear to all those who would commit such acts in the future that they too must answer for their acts, and they will. In Rwanda, we must hold accountable all those who may abuse human rights, whether insurgents or soldiers. Internationally, as we meet here, talks are underway at the United Nations to establish a permanent international criminal court. Rwanda and the difficulties we have had with this special tribunal underscores the need for such a court. And the United States will work to see that it is created.

I know that in the face of all you have endured, optimism cannot come easily to any of you. Yet I have just spoken, as I said, with several Rwandans who survived the atrocities, and just listening to them gave me reason for hope. You see countless stories of courage around you every day as you go about your business here, men and women who survived and go on, children who recover the light in their eyes remind us that at the dawn of a new millennium there is only one crucial division among the peoples of the Earth. And believe me, after over 5 years of dealing with these problems, I know it is not the divisions between Hutu and Tutsi or Serb or Croatian; and Muslim and Bosnian or Arab and Jew; or Catholic and Protestant in Ireland, or black and white. It is really the line between those who embrace the common humanity we all share and those who reject it.

It is the line between those who find meaning in life through respect and cooperation and who, therefore, embrace someone to look down on, someone to trample, someone to punish and, therefore, embrace war. It is the line between those who look to the future and those who cling to the past. It is the line between those who give up their resentment and those who believe they will absolutely die if they have to release one bit grievance. It is the line between those who confront every day with a clenched fist and those who confront every day with an open hand. That is the only line that really counts when all is said and done.

To those who believe that God made each of us in His own image, how could we choose the darker road? When you look at those children who greeted us as we got off that plane today, how could anyone say they did not want those children to have a chance to have their own children, to experience the joy of another morning sunrise, to learn the normal lessons of life, to give something back to their people? When you strip it all away, whether we’re talking about Rwanda or some other distant troubled spot, the world is divided according to how people believe they draw meaning from life.

And so I say to you, though the road is hard and uncertain and there are many difficulties ahead, and like every other person who wishes to help, I doubltless will not be able to do everything I would like to do, there are things we can do. And if we set about the business of doing them together, you can overcome the awful burden that you have endured. You can put a smile on the face of every child in this country, and you can make people once again believe that they should live as people were living who were singing to us and dancing for us today. That’s what we have to believe. That is what I came here to say. And that is what I wish for you.

Thank you, and God bless you.

NOTE: The President spoke at 12:25 p.m. at Kigali Airport. In his remarks, he referred to President Pasteur Bizimungu of Rwanda and his wife, Sarafina, and Vice President Paul Kagame and his wife, Janet. A tape was not available for verification of the content of these remarks.

COPYRIGHT 1998 U.S. Government Printing Office

COPYRIGHT 2008 Gale, Cengage Learning

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Secretary-General’s message to the Sixth Meeting of the States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions (07.09.2016)

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[Delivered by Ms. Mary Soliman, Acting Director, Geneva Branch, Office for Disarmament Affairs]

I am pleased to greet the Sixth Meeting of the States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions. I congratulate the Netherlands for assuming the Presidency of the Meeting and for leading its preparations. I also thank Switzerland, the host country.

Over the years, States, international organizations and civil society have worked together to establish and implement a solid legal norm prohibiting the use, development, production, acquisition, transfer or stockpiling of cluster munitions. This unity has made the Convention a success.

I congratulate Colombia, which ratified during the First Review Conference last year, as well as Cuba, Mauritius, Palau and Somalia for joining the Convention most recently, bringing the number of States parties to 100. The United Nations will continue to support all efforts aimed at the universalization of the Convention.

With the adoption of the Dubrovnik Action Plan, States parties have set an ambitious path of concrete actions and specific deadlines for the Convention’s further implementation by the Second Review Conference in 2020. Actions are to be undertaken in the crucial areas of universalization, stockpile destruction, clearance and risk reduction education, victim assistance, international cooperation and assistance, transparency and national implementation measures. Our shared hope is to achieve the destruction of additional stockpiled cluster munitions, the release of previously contaminated land for productive use and, ultimately, a reduction in the number of new victims.

Ridding the world of heinous cluster munitions is a moral and humanitarian imperative. I wish you every success as you embark on your important deliberations.

Opinion: The only good news from Kololo, today; and also surprised that the Western diplomates didn’t know President Museveni sentiments on the ICC (or tried to forget)

M7 Guards Inaguration 2016

Well, the good news is not that there was a Swearing-In of President Museveni for his Seventh Term, bite me, it is not fifth, it’s Seventh! Got to teach the National Resistance Movement to count, after that the international media some recent history to not shave off the first decade in Power for Mr. Yoweri in Uganda.

The good news was:

“Department spokeswoman Elizabeth Trudeau said U.S. Ambassador to Uganda Deborah Malac and a visiting Washington-based official, along with several European and Canadian diplomats, abruptly left the inauguration after Museveni made negative remarks about the International Criminal Court in his inaugural address. She added that the U.S. also objected to Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir’s participation in the inauguration. Al-Bashir has been charged by the court for atrocities in Sudan’s western Darfur region” (Lee, 2016).

ReaganMuseveni

Because this set the perimeter of next inaugurations as Uganda is not the only country where the Opposition is under fire and where the human rights are squabbled for the Ruling Regime to control. But the reaction from the European Union representative and the United States is a bit late now. United States Government have supported them the Ugandan Government for three decades as the Ugandans have fought wars you wouldn’t touch with a your little finger. The European Union have done so in good faith and with the hopes that this will be one of their success stories as the beginning of Museveni terms he was actually sounding like a democratic ruler and had swagger like no-one else and even swallowed the Structural Adjustment Program; more than many other leaders did for long-term loans and direct-budget aid to the Ugandan government.

But that is not why the diplomates left the Inauguration of President Museveni at the Kololo Independence ground. They left the event in midst of the speech and everything because of mentioning of International Criminal Court, the discontent that exist in certain parts of Africa, as the ICC have target many African leaders and Warlords, while nearly none of the allies of European or American Government have been taken. Which make it seem like Post-Colonial tool and certain totalitarian, and Police State leaders feels that especially since they might be the next in line to be charged by the ICC.

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Even on the second Live Presidential Candidate or the second #UGDebate President: “A founding signatory of the Rome Statute, on ICC: Yes we should be out of the ICC. ICC is not serious. It is partisan. There are so many people who should have been tried if they were serious. The way to go is to have our own African Criminal Court. Trying to work with ICC was a mistake”.

So if the American or European diplomats were surprised by the words uttered by the President, they should check his track-record, and are you naïve? He is the same brother who toyed with the worlds in the Nairobi talks in 1980s, muffled the involvement in Rwandan Patriotic Front, the direct involvement in wars in Democratic Republic Congo that got rid of both President Mobutu Sese Seko and President Laurent Kabila. His involvement in South Sudan and also the claimed help of President Nkurunziza after the coup d’état in 2015; there are too many instances where he has went to the gun for himself and others. So that he dislikes the ICC should be seen as natural for his Western Allies, that have given military experts and equipment over decades.

He used ties to Libya to get arms to bring down Obote, Obote whom he had a agreement with to get rid of Idi Amin. This man has done whatever to get power and get powers other places. He is ruthless and does not care how far he has to go to have it. He builds people up and burry them if they get ambition. So many men have fallen and so many fallen without the reason or the authorities have cleared the cases of the killings. Many men who have had honorable positions and been high up in the military have been silenced by the NRA/NRM. And this isn’t just rumors, this is known, but not something that is talked about.

Face to Face Cote D'ivorie

So European diplomates and American ones, you have to consider your obligation and role in Uganda, the walkout and the assessment of that, is only a small embarrassment, but to cut donor-aid and military equipment would mean something. To endorse directly Dr. Kizza Besigye would be another force of change. That would be like Alassane Ouattara won over Laurent Gbabgo in Cote d’Ivoire in 2010. Who made his own army and took over power when the International Community recognized Ouattara in 2011 and later detained Ggabo. So there are possible ways of creating the changes, but hopefully without guns though that is the only thing President Museveni believes in.

I know he told at one point he wanted to be a Pastor, but over the time he became a gun-loving, bush-war and embezzlement patriarch who oppose the idea of any other human being having a vision of leadership in the country he is running.

That isn’t a beautiful picture, but there certain questions remain why the American and European were mad about this:

“After introducing ICC indictee Bashir, Museveni said: “We lost interest in the ICC. We thought they were serious.” Museveni said he had supported ICC at the beginning but realised that “ICC is a bunch of useless people” (Trending.co.ug, 2016).

This words uttered from the mouth apparently was too much from the Western Diplomates today. Together with them we’re also the invited and warranted President Bashir; for me some strange reason no problem with the other hectic and problematic despots, dictators, lingering Presidents and so on; that also showed-up for the event. Why no problem with Cameroonian Biya? Why no problem with President Obiang? Why not mad about President Mugabe? And list goes on of people who disrespect democratic values and freedoms in their countries… though not sanctioned by the ICC.

For being diplomates, they should have known at least about the words said by the man on the Presidential Debate in February 2016. The ICC has already issues within the African Nations and the African Union have had talks on removing itself from the International Criminal Courts because of Post-Colonial affairs and targeting African leaders. So with that in mind, this doesn’t help the cause for the Europeans or Americans unless they do something serious, a ruthless man like President Museveni. Needs the guns and equipment, if not he trade with Russians and trains together with North Koreans, he has done it before and will do it again. Even order second level army equipment from China instead of getting training and army deals with Americans. The Western diplomats should not be surprised and should know his history and how reckless he can behave.

Why do you think Hon. Paolo Muwanga even feared and was disgusted with the man? He even understood to what extend the President would go when he got into power. Since he spoke beautiful words as it was needed in the Bush, the people and international community supported him.

Now there a long run since 1986, lots of European and United States Presidents have been in Power and changed leadership, while the Ugandan leader have lingered on and not caught flack before now, really? Late to the Party or is it the later redeemer now?

The issue is that they have known he has these sentiments, as the escalated violence, detaining and use of army against his own citizens. We can see it with the recent Post-Election killings in Kasese, the pro-longed Northern Uganda Conflict that lasted since 1980s into peace agreement in 2006; and the Ugandan-Fueled guerrillas in the DR Congo.

So that he is a little rash and rough with the introduction of President Bashir is the issue all of sudden, is sorry to say a little weak tea as you have given way for him to do all the other activities and not really condemn that. This because President Museveni have been a needed ally in the region after the fall of Mobutu, that American Government had for so long; that is why President Clinton even praised Museveni together with other leaders.

Obama Merkel Hollande_0

Today should not be surprising, the European and American Diplomates should have known his sentiments on the ICC, and he want to be a great leader, so he would invite anyone who wanted to show-up. This here is just the proof of it, nobody expected President Obama or Chancellor Merkel or even President Hollande to attend: They would rather have a cup of tea then showing-up. The strangest was that the former loyal ally President Kagame was in the wind… but that just so the strained relationship.

Well, this was my two cents. Not beautiful… just the way it is; when you have trusted a man to fight for you and expecting him to be peace loving democratic values full of integrity and standing by for liberty and justice in his Nation, while they have for decades let him get away with murders, destabilizing neighbor countries and done other adventures without giving him much of even a slap on his face. Then you expect him to be the grandest man… you have lost the plot fellow Western Diplomates. Peace.

Reference:

Lee, Matthew – ‘US diplomats walk out of Uganda president’s inauguration’ (12.05.2016) links: https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/whitehouse/us-diplomats-walk-out-of-uganda-presidents-inauguration/2016/05/12/e461854c-1874-11e6-971a-dadf9ab18869_story.html?postshare=5891463086874273&tid=ss_tw

Trending.co.ug – ‘ICC is useless, says Museveni’ (12.05.2016) link: http://trending.co.ug/politics/icc-useless-says-museveni

“So was Kibeho killing a Genocide ?” How Kagame Killed 8000 Hutu at Kibeho (Youtube-Clip)

“The Kibeho massacre is one of many committed by the the Rwandan Patriotic Army in Rwanda and DR Congo, but it is one of the most shocking because it was witnessed by UN Peacekeepers from Australia, Zambia, and the UK, and well documented by at least two photographers, but no one was ever prosecuted for the crime” (RDI-Rwanda Rwiza, 2016).

Mzee and his Militarized State; the Guns never left the Executive it seems!

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“Soldiers feel that the Police are not serious with the criminal elements and that they are corrupt. The army had to come in and insist that criminals must be punished. It happens in all countries, there is a time when the army assumes the duty of internal security”. General Museveni (Daily Nation – Nairobi – January 26, 1987).

This is ironic that President Museveni said in 1987. We can see that times has changed or that his mind set to other perspective then directly from the bush. With the guerrilla warfare and the so-called liberation struggle, that has been discovered more and more about the tactics done to get power.

It is surely and clearly many ways President Museveni talked democratic values while it has been uncovered that he oppressed the media and opposition. It has done that since day one of the regime, just different how far and to what extent. It has always tried to look beautiful on the surface and smiles to the donors and Election Observers Missions while in the end, the institutions built around the Mzee. That the Electoral Reforms haven’t really been there for free and fair elections. When I went through the 1996 elections the stories are similar to today’s oppression of the opposition.

M7 2016 Post Interview quote

While opening up for free-market thinking has over time and letting the United Kingdom, Kenyan, South African, Indian and Libyan businessmen got easy trading ability in the country, while the exports and trade boards are gone, less of unions and other governmental structures. In the later years the government has started with micro-credit, Operation Wealth Creation and Youth Livelihood Programs as a cheap way of trying to patch up with the loss of sufficient structures that are sold out, by government to get loans in the beginning of its administrations.

We can easily see that the government who came to power with the guns and ammunition, and still has MPs directly from the army is bound to have the militarized effect on the politics. As the Police are acting with direct force and not following always rule of law. While the government overflows with former colonels and generals becoming politicians instead of businessmen and civil servants as the President is a bush-man himself and been part of two insurgents to power. One in the end of 70s and one in the famous 1986, so the guns never left the power and stayed there; even the tale with the donor-funding of the army from abroad to fight dirty wars the U.S. don’t want to stick their finger in, as in Somalia and Central African Republic.

EC 22.02.2015 Guarded Heavy

The Electoral Reforms as discussed briefly the NRM-Regime have stifled most of the time any kind of reform and ruling power therefore had to have two elections on referendum to release the Multi-Party Democracy and also been making the difference between using government funds and using the well-known factor of promises pledges from direct government subsidies to the big-men and chiefs, even Parejo’s and other SUV’s given to men to secure the votes and loyalty to the Mzee.

There been steady shifts in leaders underneath Mzee as he has taken down the men who has been built by his leadership, as he want the ones with his former MPs, VPs and PMs as they wanted to elevate themselves and leave him behind. As the founding father of NRM, nobody else should rule the party and have the Executive control. He took it with a gun and easily takes pictures with it to show where his strength is.

The government have used all kind of methods and tricks to gain riches to NRM elite and leave the certainty of other manufactures, industries and even achieve certain outcomes only for the closest allies of the NRM, even on Town Council levels where NRM members and NRM elders have closest call to get add-ons and secure funding for projects, while the opposition and other institutions have to get hands-out by international NGOs or Bilateral funds to get enough for what they need. The Resistance Councils and the now Local Councils are built for securing de-facto loyalty to the Executive and learn the strength of regime, not to be a democratic system.

UPM Poster

The Police and Army is built around loyal men in the top and men the Executive can trust to follow his suit and have his family close connected, even with Gen. Salim Selah not in direct leadership position as he has been involved into too much thefts, thieving and other activities to clean the leadership to look decent for international community, even with Brig. Muhoozi Kainerugaba who is groomed and quickly up the ante with running the Special Forces Command. The ruthlessness of the army and Police never left, and the new laws in place have given lee-way to them to use it as free-for-all to shut down dissidents. While the leadership is steady shifting  and moving as they don’t want the DPC, RPC and Army commanders to be on short-leach and not be to homely where they work.

The continuation of post-election violence in Bundibugyo and Kasese, the way the army is deployed there days on days, shooting Rwenzururu Kingdoms security guards, while the treat of the ADF-NALU who is stations right over the border in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and as always the Police issues statements blaming other forces, even when video footage and other eye-witness counter their words and intelligence; in the end insulting the intelligence of the people.

1986 Joke

The NRM-Regime and the words of their Executive is now totally different than what he was talking the first years of their reign. The Economy is dire, the donors are more futile and less interested in involving themselves in a militarized economy and where the NRM-Elite instead of the citizens and general population, the ones that get funding is direct funded projects as roads and buildings, but not economic prosperity as the inflations is high, the value of currency dwindles, the amount of monies to buy ordinary food-stuffs, the government have added higher loans to sufficiently take up the vacuum of the loss of donor-funds to the governmental budgets.

The whole picture is not as it should be after the ruling-party have run the country for 30 years, the picture should be a steady economy, a secure police-force respected and honor the citizens, an army working for securing the borders and doing international missions not for securing funding, but to generate peace. The country should have beneficiary institutions and taxations with representation, the ones that been done have not delivered, the steady progress has not been delivered, and when is when the media has blasted or BBC have got a whiff of it. As the NBS or NTV cannot whip the power to change, the same with the papers as they are mostly censored and controlled as the radio-stations have lost their transmitters, license and even their hosts been detained while being on air, the Daily Monitor ransacked for two days and the NTV banned from following the Presidential Campaign trail of the Executive.

Police 29.02.2016 Kasangati

There is an issue when the army is such a big part of nation, in the parliament, in the streets, in deployment and around all the time. The internal security is based on the army, not the police who is also militarized with sections of special units with military equipment for breaking down demonstrations and other gatherings of opposition, even independents who was former NRM have struggled with army and the Police Force. As the detaining of Opposition without charges, house arrests of Presidential Candidates and taking people with Candidates Declarations Forms from the Polling Station.

The whole picture is not of the state of business, the way of government that NRA and the NRM promised, it has overtaken the control of the institutions, but not given the accountability and transparency, not the economic landscape or investment climate that they have promised for so long, the basics are much of the same and the deals between the oil companies and drilling has been happening behind closed doors; like not open dealings and showing how the companies pay for their operations and how the government structures are as the oil-laws are not strict and not fully operative yet.

Jinja Police 10915 P1

The tear-gas operations and the live bullets are not showing the proof of democratic values and society. The internal security and the structures are not strong, when the army enters all kind of operations, as they even killed bed-bugs in neighborhoods of Kampala in mid-February as the KCCA didn’t have the manpower to reach the area, as the UPDF have been used in any kind of processes, even the training-center of the army Kyankwanzi the National Leadership Institute and military training camp; where the NRM MPs has had retreats before the new parliament like the 9th and 10th Parliament went there.

The Kyankwanzi resolutions or decrees as party MPs has set precedence for the coming term and the evolution of the ruling-party as the structure in the last go-around left many of the old-foes behind, and the former secretary-general and Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi behind. While this time the struggles with Justine Kasule-Lumumba, Jacob Oulanyah and Rebecca Kadaga might go through hardships in the coming 10th Parliament as the internal security means the security of the Executive and bring down the men and woman who has ambitions. That is why the Executive have centered the powers close to him. As even ambassador’s claims he is hard to read, the generals of UPDF fear him and just want to do his will, and the same with the police force who has a loyal Inspector General who follows every whiff from him. Even former Warlords and M23 are yearly on the payroll from the State House. As they are securing the security of the state and the government institution as civilian militia-men that does their army bidding; also does discreet business for the Executive as their role have never been told to the world. Therefore we can only be guessing at this point; though they are not cutting the grass at Entebbe or Nakasero!

The way the Army is embedded in the society and external politics, the guerrilla warfare brought the Executive first to a Ministerial Position before the General Election of 1980 and again at the takeover in 1986. He came with the gun and never left it, and never let it go, in all endeavors and structures the embedded army has followed, the loyal cadres and commando have continued, the re-payment of loyalty and offered protection have come in handy. The kickbacks and graft never left the offices, the building of the businesses have also centered the government officials, while the former government businesses has been sold for quick bucks or privatized.

Daily Monitor 1993

The internal security can be questioned with the army running the streets in Kasese, Kapchorwa and Kampala as a steady force and looking like Marshall Law or state of emergency as the government shows the display of power, and the Police rides around in Personal Armored Carrier and have mortars as Journalist lose their cameras and the media get muffled with. The insecurity created and the ballots been stolen in broad daylight, the impunity of law of fellow citizens is not creating the peaceful atmosphere the Executive have promised and said he delivered, as the Kenyan funding of the campaign and Sudanese Army men proves the Executive went far to secure his stay in power, instead of trusting the ballots and votes, he trusted his instinct and went for the guns and ammunition that have given him the power before, as he had loyal well-paid puppets in the Electoral Commission and generals in the Campaign Team, together with losing NRM Primaries who was paid off; in his mind this should have gone in silence and gotten the credible result needed to be respected statesman abroad, instead the announcement and the cracks of the army and the social media showed the true colors and not the story given by the Executive or his party cadres, which shows the payments and party program is shell of keeping power by any means, instead of building fruitful societies and institutions for better tomorrow. The lies are not invisible anymore, the questions the actions and killings is not only in the hands of semi-army police force and the general populations knows it. As the mourning of the announcement and the weakness of the state comes forward; therefore army had to be deployed and the reshuffling of Police Commanders happening a month after Election Day.

You can lie once and fool the crowd, but lie twice and then the storm comes on the horizon. That is what is happening now and the Executive knows and knew before these elections that the people are tired of his lies and reprogrammed pledges. As the changes of society has only brought bottled water from mountains of the Rwenzori and cellphones, certainty at one point the Universal Primary Education and extended Local Councils that has benefited, but also after a while the schools started to disappear and become depleted. The more districts, sub-counties and counties have taken a toll on the economy. Also been set-up to secure more loyal cadres in Parliament and locally. Through the chain-of-command as the structure is militarized and set to fix the monies, the government institutions, government businesses, government organizations and the commission to be loyal to the Executive, even the churches and holy institutions, if possible they can have some dissidents and opposition; that is just enough for the country to have a rouse and jolly while eating the donor-funding and letting the people stay poor while the NRM-Elite stays powerful. Especially the NRM and the Executive does not care about the FDC and their claims to justice, as the justice is the basics, but for the NRM it is to keep Power and let their Executive stay continuously. And by the minute does not seem to want to leave the country in a state that he promised when he took power.

The Star Paper Article 04.02.2016

As his guns does not seem to be silenced, the level of fear, the way the PAV rides down the streets and highways, the way the roadblocks are put, the way the Police detain without charges and the way the government mend laws to fit the Executive, the way the banks are demonstrating their will of following him to earn monies, the way the businesses are centered around him and given favorable deals, the way the harassment of opposition and media, the way the army and police involve in politics and daily life, it does not seem as a democratic and just society. The detention of the ballots and preventative arrest of citizens are worrying, as much as the control and efficiency of it. The pride of the government and its institutions are weak when the KCCA need the Army to fight local problems, the Executive does not trust anything else and therefore the biggest smiles on the photos from him comes in army fatigue and guns as that is the place he feels the best, not in the office or at state meeting. If not it is on his farm relaxing while the monies are piling in without doing anything. Peace.

The President’s Black Book Chapter 3: Bemba and Museveni; what is the ties between the two big-men?

Jeune African Bembe Cover

It’s recently been a court ruling in the International Criminal Court where Jean-Pierre Bemba was sentenced and guilty of crimes against humanity. As this happen there been questions about his sponsors and his actions, was it for his own cause or was it for the greater good? As the violence he spread in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was during the wars in late 90s and beginning 2000s as the Rwandan and Ugandan ignited the wars the neighbor country, even sponsoring guerrillas, while fighting other forces there, as they we’re using different methods even when the world was telling the RPA and UPDF to leave, while the guerrillas would still cover areas of minerals close to the borders, to secure funding for the governments of the neighbor countries. They will by all means repute this as this shadows their reign, but the moneys and sudden export of minerals without sustainable investments and business-growth proves that there was sudden changes by the warfare in the DRC.

In this picture President Museveni did what he could to have allies inside the DRC, so he could have business and projects there to reach his power and make himself even stronger. That has been his game since day one; not only to get rid of the leaders around him who is not loyal towards him, but also to get people who he knows is loyal to him no matter what.

Jean-Pierre Bemba was a useful tool and an allied who even with brokered peace gave more influence of Uganda into the DRC politics, as he was stationed as Vice-President under President Laurent Kabila, while this wouldn’t last, as the Ugandan and Rwandan did not like the idea of being distanced from the State House in Kinshasa. So as the time and dwindling reactions, the neighbors went into attack again, that ousted the transitional government and took down a second president in the DRC! In that picture and time, comes the relationship between Bemba and Museveni, Especially after the human rights violations and victims of war, as the spoils of it cost honor and integrity, also the visible. Even if the relations between the men and their armies lost their value, the open sponsorship and even training at one point proves how Museveni used his power and reach to put his fortune into the leadership of Bemba and his MLC. Take a look at what I have found about this men!

jean-pierre-bemba-01-1024x655

About the MLC:

“Current Leader: Jean-Pierre Bemba

Based in Gbadolite, the MLC has been backed by Uganda since the start of the war in 1998 although there have been occasional differences between the two. The MLC tried twice to establish a foothold in Ituri: in 2001 Bemba had nominal control of the short-lived FPC coalition of Ugandan- backed rebel groups and in 2002 the MLC attacked Mambasa in western Ituri but were forced backed by the APC of Mbusa Nyamwisi. The MLC has occasionally fought alongside the UPC and has been a rival of Mbusa’s RCD-ML” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

Bemba creating his army:

“In spring 1998, Bemba sought to motivate a group of Congolese exiles to join an armed struggle with support from Kampala. He elaborated a political program with a network of friends and former classmates and discussed financing and training with Museveni. By Bemba’s own account, he met Museveni while exporting fish to Belgium through Uganda in the early 1990s, though it is widely believed that Mobutu used Bemba’s aviation companies to transport goods for Jonas Savimbi, then leader of União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA), through Uganda throughout the 1980s. Another account claims that Bemba met Museveni through Museveni’s half-brother, General Salim Saleh, then chief of staff of the UPDF, while seeking to establish a link between ex-FAZ troops cantoned at the Kitona military base in southern DRC and UNITA forces in Angola. The MLC emphatically denies any involvement with the Angolan insurgency movement. But the firm belief, at least in Luanda, that Bemba, Uganda, and Rwanda had links to UNITA largely accounts for Angola’s switching sides in the Second Congo War to back Laurent Kabila and its strong antipathy toward Bemba to this day” (Carayannis, 2008).

Bemba in 1999:

“The main Goma faction of the rebel RCD on Monday welcomed Bemba’s signing of the accord. Its leader, Emile Ilunga, claimed Bemba was “not to be trusted”, but added: “We are gratified to learn that he has signed the accord as we had hoped he would. We have always wanted to sign the accord together with him”, Radio France Internationale reported” (…) “Ilunga, who was due to travel to Uganda on Monday evening for a meeting with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, earlier that day accused Uganda of not respecting the rebels’ decision-making process. “Wamba has no troops, and there is no point in his signing the ceasefire agreement … We’re astonished by Ugandan support of an individual, rather than working in the interest of the Congolese people,” AP news agency quoted Ilunga as saying”(IRIN, 1999).

“Jean-Pierre Bemba, a millionaire businessman and leader of the Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC), was accompanied to the signing in Lusaka by a senior aide of the Ugandan president, Yoweri Museveni, and by Tanzania’s foreign minister, Jakaya Kikwete, officials said” (…)”But Mr Bemba warned that he would go back to war if a rival rebel group did not sign a truce within a week” (…)“Referring to the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD), which has refused to sign the truce, he told Reuters: “If they do not sign within seven days, I will continue the fight to Kinshasa.” The RCD and Mr Bemba’s forces control 50% of Congo’s territory” (Gough, 1999). “Speaking to IPS by satellite-link, Bemba, who is also backed by Uganda, said it was too early to say whether the peace would hold, “but for the time things are very quiet, with no fighting near us” (Simpson, 1999).

kin16

Bemba in 2000:

“A few days ago, Jean-Pierre Bemba, the rebel leader in Equateur Province, issued a challenge to Mr. Kabila and major Western nations that pushed the accord with more vigor than any of those who signed it” (…)”‘We are at a turning point,” Mr. Bemba, a 38-year-old businessman-turned-rebel, said this week in Gbadolite, his headquarters. ”Is Lusaka alive still or not? That is the question.” (…)”It is not certain whether Mr. Bemba is capable militarily of closing the airport. Nor is it clear if his major sponsor, President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, would give his approval given that Mr. Museveni’s own friends, the United States and many European nations, would probably hold him responsible for such a departure from the Lusaka accord” (Fisher, 2000).

Bemba in 2001:

“But Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni also reiterated his commitment to pulling his troops from neighboring Congo, saying now that they have defeated Ugandan rebels operating there, it was time for his forces to leave. The force Museveni claims to have defeated is the Allied Democratic Front, a small Ugandan rebel group that has attacked villages throughout western Uganda from bases in Congo” (…)”Some participants appeared unconcerned that Uganda was pulling out of the peace agreement, and were pleased that Museveni would still withdraw his troops. “If the government decides to withdraw its forces from the Congo, it’s always favorable. This is in line with the Lusaka agreement,” said Kamel Morjane, the U.N. special representative for Congo. “If all parties show their goodwill there is no risk.” (…)”Kikaya Bin Karubi, the Congolese information minister, welcomed the promised troop withdrawal and said his country would stick with the Lusaka peace agreement no matter what. The leader of the Ugandan-backed rebels, Congolese Liberation Front Chairman Jean-Pierre Bemba, said the decision would have little impact on the war since, he insisted, Ugandan troops had not been involved in the fighting. Uganda is estimated to have had at least 10,000 troops in Congo at the peak of the war” (Muleme, 2001).

alliances

UN Allegation:

“In 2001, when Bemba took the reins of the unified movement RCD/ML, now called the FLC, he tried in January to broker an agreement between the Hema and Lendu belligerants. He got more than 150 traditional chiefs to participate in this agreement (had the Ugandans acted unilaterally, they would never have managed to achieve this), thus securing a halt to military training and youth recruitment by the UPDF, a measure of security on the roads, food security for the livestock, and the appointment of a governor who was not from the region as a way of providing greater assurance to all the parties. In the end, though, it was Bemba’s dependence on the Ugandans that frustrated the entire peace process” (…)”On more than one occasion, Bemba tried to exert his influence over the Ugandan Government, but Uganda ultimately took the final decisions” (…)”In July 2001, thanks to the efforts of the Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, the Mouvement de Libération du Congo and RDC/Bunia joined forces, taking with them Rober Lubala’s RCD/National and thus forming the Front de Libération du Congo (FLC)” (Garreton, 2009).

Bemba in 2002:

“Another former rebel movement backed by Uganda, the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie-Kisangani-Mouvement de liberation (RCD-K-ML), was pessimistic about prospects for the success of the Kabila-Museveni accord” (…)“The DRC is faced with two Ugandas – that of Yoweri Museveni, who acts from a distance in Kampala, and that of his army officers and soldiers involved in the ongoing pillage of gold and diamonds in Ituri [region, northeastern DRC],” said Honore Kadima, in charge of RCD-K-ML external relations. “I don’t see either of these Ugandas adhering to even one comma of the Luanda accord.” (IRIN, 2002). “The mutiny marked the return to prominence of the commanders who had been behind the earlier CMF mutiny. Following their training in Kyankwanzi (for new recruits) and Jinja (for officers), most of them had been sent to Equateur Province to join the MLC’s armed wing. After some months of fighting for Bemba, the soldiers had grown increasingly frustrated. They knew that fellow Hema were still dying in Ituri’s inter-ethnic clashes, and they felt that the MLC used them ‘like dogs’” (Tamm, 2013).

Some more on the MLC:

“The MLC had been involved in Ituri during the short-lived agreement of the Front for the Liberation of Congo (FLC), a platform of the MLC, RCD-N and the RCD-ML, sponsored by Uganda under the leadership of Jean Pierre Bemba. But Nyamwisi refused to accept Bemba’s leadership in Ituri and his forces pushed Bemba and the MLC troops out of Beni and Bunia. In the last months of 2002, the MLC tried to fight its way back into Ituri with the support of Roger Lumbala’s RCD-N, claiming that Nyamwisi had violated the Lusaka Accord. In doing so, their combatants committed violations of international humanitarian law including the deliberate killing of civilians, numerous cases of rape, looting and some acts of cannibalism. Some of these violations may have been directed at the Nande ethnic group, targeted for their connection with Nyamwisi, himself a Nande” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

ICC Court

ICJ Court case claims:

“The DRC claims to have seised an abandoned tank used in the Kitona attack. The Reply alleges the tank is Ugandan because it is the same mode1 as a tank used later by Congolese rebel leader Jean-Pierre Bemba, who allegedly received his tank from Uganda. (DRCR, para. 2.40.)” (…)”Clearly Bemba’s hesitations vis-à-vis the inter-Congolese negotiations and the disengagement are linked to his quick enrichment, the greed of his Ugandan offïcer godfathers and the politics of self-aggrandizement practiced by his opportunistic, wandering ministers who annoy the people.” (ICJ, 2002).

ICJ Ruling document says:

“For its part, Uganda acknowledges that it assisted the MLC during fighting between late September 1998 and July 1999, while insisting that its assistance to Mr. Bemba “was always limited and heavily conditioned”. Uganda has explained that it gave “just enough” military support to the MLC to help Uganda achieve its objectives of driving out the Sudanese and Chadian troops from the DRC, and of taking over the airfields between Gbadolite and the Ugandan border; Uganda asserts that it did not go beyond this” (ICJ, 2005).

Cooperation in DRC during the war claims:

“The cooperation of the allied MLC rebel force was secured by the pre-payment of taxes. A letter from MLC commander Jean-Pierre Bemba informed civil and military authorities that Victoria was authorised to do business in the towns of Isirio, Bunia, Bondo, Buta, Kisangani and Beni (Ugandan Judicial Commission, Final Report, op. cit., 21.3.4, p.119). This letter was counter-signed by Kazini who further instructed his commanders in the same towns to allow Victoria to conduct its business ‘uninterrupted by anybody.’ The exception was Kisangani town itself, administered by an RCD-Goma backed Governor, although the UPDF controlled areas to the north of the town. Kazini issued a veiled threat to the Governor to cooperate with Victoria and later conspired to appoint Adele Lotsove as Governor of the new Province of Ituri in order to take control of the mineral producing areas, including those previously administrated by Kisangani (ibid., 21.3.4, p.122). In his reply to the Panel, Kazini stated: ‘In some cases, as in the case of Madame Adele Lotsove, in Ituri Province, our duty was confined to supporting existing administration (the Panel report concedes that Madame Lotsove had been appointed by Mobutu and was continued in office by Kabila).’ (See Reaction No.47, written statement from Major General James Kazini to the Panel, reproduced in UN Panel, Addendum, 20 June 2003, op. cit.)” (RAID, 2004).

From the WikiLeaks:

“During a May 24 meeting with Vice President Azarias Ruberwa, the Ambassador asked Ruberwa about his trip to Kampala for the inauguration of Ugandan President Museveni,  and the reported long meeting between the two.  Speaking from memory, Ruberwa provided an extensive read-out, noting by way of preamble that Museveni is a “complicated” person, and often difficult to read” (…)”According to Ruberwa, Museveni flatly denied that  there is continuing Kampala support of Congolese militia  groups.  Ruberwa said that Museveni added that the last support Uganda had provided to armed groups in the Congo was that given to Jean-Pierre Bemba’s MLC, and to combatants associated with Mbusa Nyamwisi. Ruberwa observed that Mbusa was next to him in the same meeting, but did not respond to the Museveni comment” (…)”Ruberwa noted, for example, that if all the detained MRC leaders were found with weapons, all inside Ugandan territory, it seemed logical to assume these weapons would find their way to Ituri, in apparent contradiction to Museveni’s assertions that there are no further arms flows from Uganda to support Congolese armed groups. In any event, Ruberwa asserted it is good periodically to point out to Museveni that the Congolese are aware of what is going on. The Ambassador asked if Museveni did not know that already. Ruberwa said “maybe,” but it seems useful to make it clear. Ruberwa added he believes it important for Kinshasa to send a senior-level person to Kampala to have an exchange with Museveni perhaps every three months to help avoid a major clash between the two governments” (WikiLeaks, 2006).

214850-congo-democratic Bemba 2006

Hope this was insightful and gives an edge as the reports are steady and many. Not only a one place and one person who thinks that there is a specific connection between President Museveni and Jean-Pierre Bemba of the MLC! That is very clear and the ways it happen and the timing prove the value Bemba had for Museveni and his ambition in the DRC. The excuse was always internal guerrillas who moved to DRC like ADF-NALU and LRA, but we all know that more to bait and more to gain by taking mineral rich areas and create businesses and use ammunition to gain that. That is something that never been an issue for Museveni as his best tool is a weapon, not negotiations and agreements, they can break when he see he has the upper-hand and ability to score over his counterparts.

Something he surely will do again. Bemba might never surface with the MLC and the Party MLC in any election in the DRC. As the ICC gave him a verdict and court ruling which set precedence for his life.

I know that the Yellow Men of NRM, and the NRM-Regime will fight against this and say something else, as even Amama Mbabazi did at his time in the ICC to fight the case between Uganda and the DRC on the reasons for the aggression from them. The same might happen again and the viciousness and ruthlessness of the President is visible, as those who studies his history(not the one he has rewritten) but more the remarks and voices around him, you’ll see the temperament and attitude of bush-warfare that is instilled in him, and not the political person or even a statesman of a like which he seems to be. Peace.

Reference:

Carayannis, Tatiana – ‘Elections in the DRC – The Bemba Surprise’ (February 2008).

Fisher, Ian – ‘Congo’s War Triumphs Over Peace Accord’ (13.09.2000) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2000/09/18/world/congo-s-war-triumphs-over-peace-accord.html?pagewanted=all

Garreton, Roberto – ‘REPORT FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT DOCUMENT ICC 01/04-01/06’ – MANDATE OF THE SPECIAL REPORT ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN ZAIRE (20.02.2009)

Gough, David – ‘Peace of the dead in Congo forests’ (02.08.1999) link: http://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/aug/02/6

Muleme, Geoffrey – ‘Uganda Withdraws From Congo Accord’ (30.03.2001) link: https://www.globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/181/33411.html

Human Rights Watch – ‘Democratic Republic of Congo – Volume 15. Number 11. (A)’ – “ITURI: “COVERED IN BLOOD” Ethnically Targeted Violence In Northeastern DR Congo” (July 2003)

IRIN – ‘Bemba signs Lusaka accord for MLC’ (03.08.1999) link: http://www.irinnews.org/news/1999/08/03/bemba-signs-lusaka-accord-mlc

IRIN – ‘DRC: Kabila and Museveni sign troop withdrawal protocol’ (09.09.2002) link: http://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/drc-kabila-and-museveni-sign-troop-withdrawal-protocol

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO – DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO

  1. UGANDA RE JOINDER SUBMITTED BY THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA VOLUME 1’ (06.12.2002)

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO (DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO v. UGANDA) – 2005 19 December General List No. 116 (19.12.2005)

RAID – ‘Unanswered questions Companies, conflict and the Democratic Republic of Congo’ (May 2004)

Simpson, Chris – ‘POLITICS: Little To Suggest The Congolese Peace Accord Will Hold’ (06.09.1999) link: http://www.ipsnews.net/1999/09/politics-little-to-suggest-the-congolese-peace-accord-will-hold/

Tamm, Henning – ‘UPC in Ituri The external militarization of local politics in north-eastern Congo’ (2013)

 

WikiLeaks –‘RUBERWA ACCOUNT OF MAY MEETING WITH UGANDA PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’ (02.06.2006) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06KINSHASA876_a.html

In remembrance of Dr. Andrew Kayira and the possible plot of the NRA to assassinate him on the 6th of March 1987

Andrew Kayira

Today it has been 29 years since the assassination of Dr. Andrew Kayira, the former rebel and government minister at his time. He even had an alliance with the NRA then military rebel-group of President Museveni and at one point even helped with his rebel-group attacking central barracks and taking weapons from the governmental forces of the then Obote II government. At one point he even had an alliance with Col. Gaddafi of Libiya who sent weapons from Burundi through Rwanda to both NRA and the UFM rebel groups to regain more support in Sub-Saharan Africa. This here is telling a story of why he possibly was killed, by who and some insights into the reports. Also the way the newly NRM tried to shut-up media who covered it after the coup d’état in 1986 when they controlled the media and wouldn’t release the information in 1988 when articles came out for the first time about the assassination of Dr. Kayira. Here take a look!

Report from 1983:

“the Ugandan Freedom Movement (UFM) led by Andrew Kayira, a minster in the short-lived Lule government which succeeded Amin, and member of the opposition Democratic Party’s militant, unconstitutional wing” (…)”Kampala is now relatively quiet and secure, and the UFM leader Andrew Kayira is reported to have left the country” (Crisp, 1983).

Treason Charge on the 8th March 1987:

“Former Energy Minister Andrew Kayira was killed by gunmen, some of whom were wearing army uniforms. He was acquitted two weeks ago of charges of treason. Journalist Henry Gombya said the men, armed with knives and guns, came to his house Friday night. Kayira had been living there since his release. Gombya said he hid in the bush and his wife and three children locked themselves in a bathroom. Kayira tried to hide in a bedroom but was found and shot in the head, arms and thighs, the journal ist said. Kayira, who was named energy minister last year, was arrested five months ago with 25 other prominent people. They allegedly were involved in a conspiracy to overthrow the government of President Yoweri Museveni” (Orlando Sentinel, 1987).

NRA M7

Museveni ordered it:

“It is believed that he ordered the assassination of Kayiira. Kayiira was killed in March 1987, and his movement began to fall apart soon thereafter. As director of military intelligence, Kagame would have supervised  the assassination plan; certainly, say Ugandan, it could not have occurred without his imprimatur also” (De Hoyes, 1997).

What was the Pre-Text for the assassination of Dr. Kayira:

“Despite Kayira’s integration into the NRA and his subsequent appointment as Minister, it seems the NRA Government mistrusted him, resulting in his eventual arrest in October 1986. He was accused of treason for allegedly plotting to overthrow the Government of President Museveni, though he was acquitted and released by court on February 24, 1987. On 9 March 1987, Kayira was assassinated by unknown gunmen. After his death, his followers disintegrated. Some went into exile, others were integrated into NRA, while others deserted” (Refugee Law Project, 2014).

What the Scotland Yard Report says happen:

“On 6th March, 1987, at about llp.m. Dr Kayira and his friend, Mr, Henry Gombya, a B.B.C stringer, were having dinner with Gombya’s wife Victoria Naava ,24 , and three other girls Josephine Babirye, 19, Julian Nabwire, 14, and Annet Namatovu, 23, when about 10 armed men stormed the compound and attacked the persons present” (Scotland Yard).

Andrew Kayira P2

Witness report from Scotland Yard:

“According to Gombya, whilst the attackers were shouting at the occupants and kicking the door/ he in panic split Shs40 million which he had in his bedroom into two halves and threw Shs20 million into the banana plantation from the balcony leading from his room and left the remaining money in the bed for the suspects to steal. He then jumped from the balcony/ a height of 12 feet and ran down the driveway and on the second attempt managed to climb over the gate. He then hid in a banana plantation” (…)“Whilst this was happening the attackers were shouting to Dr Kayiira to open his bedroom door, which he did at the same time asking them what they wanted. Witnesses’ state that when Gombya escaped and was running towards the gates he was seen by one of the gunmen who raised the alarm and was told not to pursue him as the “UFM man” was in the house. This would suggest that the gunmen knew that Dr Kayiira was staying at the house” (…)”Police were eventually notified at Kabalagala Police Post some two miles away and arrived shortly after 7:30am. A photographer and scenes of Crime Officer arrived soon afterwards. Scenes of Crime examination was always going to be difficult as prior to police arrival villagers and other persons from the surrounding areas had descended onto the premises and went inside the house to satisfy their curiosity, and pay their respects” (Scotland Yard).

Aftermath:

“Investigations by the Kampala C.I.D under the direction of Simon Mugamba (Director of C.I.D) and Senior superintendent Fideiis Ongom (Officer in charge) commenced and quickly established that Gombya had requested from Mr Henry Kateregga, a Kampala businessman Shs40 million very urgently” (…)”As a result of their investigations the police were contacted by a man named Emmanuel Sebbunza, 17, who informed police that he had been involved with the people responsible for the killing of Dr Kayiira and although not at scene at the time of the offence, he assisted them in its preparation” (…)”He further stated that he had been paid money for both his assistance and to keep quiet about who took part. He states that the motive was robbery as the persons involved in the offence knew that Dr Kayiira was at the house and further that a large amount of money was in the house. He states however that it was believed that Dr Kayiira had the money. Mr Sebbunza further stated that arrangements for the offence were made at the shop of Muzeyi & Sons, Kampala, belonging to Mr John Katabazi, 28” (Scotland Yard).

NRA marching to Kampala 1986

Museveni action after the takeover of power:

“On Thursday 26th March 1987, at the request of President Museveni-the Ugandan President I (Detective Chief superintendent Thompson) attached to the serious crimes Branch New Scotland Yard, together with Detective Inspector Sanderson, scenes of crime officer attached to the Metropolitan Police Laboratory travelled to Uganda to assist the investigating officers because of the strong suggestions that the murder of Dr Kayiira was a ‘political’ one” (Scotland Yard).

Gomboya Statement:

“The majority of the attackers were dressed in NRA uniforms while others were dressed locally. Suspicion immediately fell on NRA soldiers when on the Saturday morning as hundreds of people were flocking my house to view the body of Kayiira which was still lying in a pool of blood in his bedroom” (…)”I told commander Kazoora that in my view, those who had killed Kayiira were likely to have been government enemies. I further told him, “If these people now return and shoot me dead, the government would find it quite difficult to prove it was not behind my death.” (…)”Mr Ssemogerere expressed surprise that “anyone would suggest that I was involved in the killing of your friend”. As he put it, on that day when Dr Kayiira was killed Mr Ssemogerere was the only Cabinet minister who came to my house and saw Dr Kayiira’s body lying in a pool of blood” (…)”The arguments went on almost the whole night until I finally made up my mind that the safest way for me would be the airport. I reached this decision for mainly one fact, Earlier in the day I had contacted my BBC colleague in Nairobi Mike Wooldridge whom I told about my fears concerning my safety. I told Mike that I had received information from the Uganda CID that I would be arrested as a murder suspect” (…)”He found this difficult to believe until I told him I had been to Mr Ssemogerere’s house to brief him about this new development. It was then that Mike volunteered to call Dr Besigye and find out from him whether I would really be arrested” (…)”The answer he got from Dr Besigye was; I want to assure the BBC and Henry that we have no intention of arresting him nor have we even suggested he be suspected In any way in this killing”. Dr. Besigye further told Mike Wooldridge that I was free to go anywhere but added “He may be needed to give evidence” (…)”Mr Wooldridge replied that since Dr Besigye had assured me I was not wanted he did not see any reason why I should not rest. Mike agreed with me that it would look like as if I was running away if I did not use the airport. Since in my heart I knew I was quite an innocent man who had just lost a great friend I did not see why I should try to leave the country as a criminal. My decision took everybody present by surprise!” (…)”But soon after my first interview the Uganda Foreign Affairs Minister Mr Ibrahim Mukiibi called the British High Commissioner in Kampala Mr Derek March to protest at what he called “the way your deputy helped a Ugandan journalist Henry Gombya to escape from Kampala”.Mr Mukiibi further told the British High Commissioner that I was “wanted” back in Uganda in “connection” with the killing of Dr Kayiira” (…)”The Investigating team also received evidence from some NRA soldiers from the 19th Battalion in Lubiri barracks which points to involvement of top NRA leadership and its lieutenants in the murder. According to these soldiers/ the murder of Dr Kayiira was planned days before his release. When the Directors of public prosecution (DPP) and CID jointly told government that there was no evidence to incriminate Dr Kayiira and several of co-accused in the alleged plot of treason this brief was received with a lot of reservations” (Scotland Yard).

M7 Makerere 1986

One Conclusion:

“There was also no evidence that Dr Kayiira put up any resistance. In addition, Gombya who was the owner of the money and other property in the house was not the prime target as he was ignored by the attackers when escaping. On the strength of the evidence the motive of the attackers was very clear: they wanted to kill Dr Andrew Kayiira. This gives credence to the 2nd hypothesis” (Scotland Yard).

Analyzed report:

“Despite President Museveni’s friendship with Dr Kayiira there had been recent mistrust of him by the President as a result of which Dr Kayiira was arrested in October 1986 for alleged;y ploting against the government, and subsequently releases by the court on February 24, 1987, due to lack of evidence” (…)”The release of Dr Kayiira surprised somee people and the subsequent murder of Kayiira led to strong rumours that his death was politically motivated and had been caused by the government’s hand” (…)”It was because of the above facts and the political overtones that the subsequent murder of Dr Kayiira was quickly seized on by various factions to suggest that his death was not only politically motivated, but might even have been carried out by President Museveni’s soldiers on the President’s orders. This charge is emphatically denied by the President” (Scotland Yard).

Fall Guy:

“It seems a British police report has been doctored to make it seem like I am a suspect or somehow involved,” said Mr Gombya, who fled Uganda after the killing and now lives in Farnborough, Hampshire. “Who carried out the shooting? I don’t know. Who ordered it? I believe it was President Museveni, and I’m not afraid to say it … I’m the fall guy.” (…)”There was speculation [at the time] about whether it was a politically motivated murder or a criminal attack,” said Peter Penfold yesterday. He was a diplomat at the British high commission in 1987. “I suppose both scenarios were plausible.” (Lewis, 2007).

Arrests after Article 1988 Uganda Front Page of ReportArrests after Article 1988 Uganda

I hope that gave some insights to the matter and that the truth will hopefully come out one day and that the men behind the killing of this man will get their punishment has he died for political reasons. This here is just one of many, still important as there been many killings and many assassinations under the NRM-Regime and their NRA. This one is significant as this was a way of getting rid of opposition forces and solidifies the regime after the civil war. Peace.  

Reference:

Crisp, Jeff – ‘National Security, Human Rights and Population Displacements in Uganda with special reference to events in Luwero District, Jan – Sept. 1983’ (October 1983) – British Refugee Council

De Hoyes, Linda – ‘Why London supports Rwanda’s confessed mass killer Paul Kagame’ (05.12.1997) – EIR News Service

Lewis, Paul – ‘I’m the fall guy for Ugandan murder, says ex-BBC man’ (20.01.2007) link: http://www.theguardian.com/media/2007/jan/20/bbc.uganda

Refugee Law Project – ‘COMPENDIUM OF CONFLICTS IN UGANDA – Findings of the National Reconciliation and Transitional Justice Audit’ (2014) – Makerere University

Orlando Sentinel – ‘Treason Charge: Former Energy Minister Andrew Kayira was…’ (08.03.1987) link: http://articles.orlandosentinel.com/1987-03-08/news/0110340050_1_treason-overthrow-the-government-arms-and-thighs

Scotland Yard – ‘SCOTLAND YARD REPORT THE MURDER OF DR ANDREW LUTAAKOME KAYIIRA: DEMOCRATIC PARTY VERSION’

Tikur Sew – Teddy Afro (Music Video) – In memory of the Battle of Adwa (01.03.1896)

“Based on the historical Battle of Adwa (March 1, 1896) in which Ethiopian forces, under the leadership of Emperor Menelik II and Empress Taytu Betul, defeated the invading Italian army and secured Ethiopian sovereignty. via Sabisa Films Production (2012)”

My Letter to President Museveni after the recent polls and post-election period; I am sorry, but not sorry; Mr. President you are a coward!

M7 2016 Post Interview quote

1st March 2016, Oslo

Dear His Excellency (H.E.) President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni!

It isn’t easy writing this letter to in this moment as your astonishing Police Force holds 300 FDC agents detained. At this moment Dr. Kizza Besigye is still under house-arrest, as you and your men does what you can destroy the evidence of a flawed election. That you claim to get 80 % of the votes; While your cadre Dr. Badru Kiggundu only gave 60%. If it was so, why were there more army men in the streets than people celebrating your massive victory? That meagre display of people happens after the Electoral Commission announced you the winner of the 5th official term on the 20th February; I am still not giving in, if you have this whole term: it is your 7th. His Excellency, I can’t shave of a decade of your rule that is disrespectful towards you.

I have a hard time writing this word about you His Excellency as a Bush-war leader, a man who has sent so many of his citizens into battles in South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Central African Republic and Somalia. It is hard to say your acting cowardly. Yes, President and commander-in-chief right now you’re acting as coward.

museveni 2016 Poster

I know that there are many decisions to take in and to live with. As how to feed your cows and how many cars you need to travel between Mbarara and Kampala. How many you need to hire in the Special Forces Command. That his hard questions. Also it is how to be able to make yourself yet again president of the country you have been ruling since 1986.

The world is looking at your actions Mr. President. The notion of your ways getting viral now, not like when you first took power and could control the media and the people; the people can now spread information. Before the Executive get time to edit the news and message you want spread to the general public. I know that is hard to swallow as you want to rule and have the power of their minds. This is something that differs from earlier times and even when you tried to stop the social media. We know you dislike the Social Media, so during the Election Day and such you really showed how much you hate it; there is still ways of broadcasting there without the ordinary channels that you blocked. I know that hurt your pride and that your “Yes Men” didn’t know about that technical solution. During the Election Day he was also a coward to make sure that Kampala and Wakiso District got the polling material very late, while in Amuru and Kisoro had it on time. So it was cowardly to not give the same treatment everywhere especially with the short distance from the Electoral Commission office and the central region. A very cowardly move… That was so disrespectful actions from the EC and the regime toward the most populace area in the country.

MuseveniQuote

Well, I called you coward Mr. President. I know that is disrespectful from a commoner like me. But the issue is that you’re disrespecting the people and the institutions you have facilitated. While attacking freedoms and liberty of other peoples in your country. That is why you’re a coward in my eyes. As you cannot and don’t have the ability to be questioned by your greatest opponent in court. Especially since you also selected the Electoral Commission and the way you have facilitated this General Election. The way the Police Force and Army has spread fear and been Partisan in your favour as they are on your pay-roll. All of this action’s shows that you’re a coward Mr. President, I know I am not supposed to say that, but I think you would understand as you didn’t give the opposition a same level between the opposition and your ruling party; The NRM your beloved NRM, Mr. President.

It is extraordinary how you have ordered the Police to rig the results and change the declaration forms, while detaining the FDC agents. That is because the original Polling Station forms would not be favour of you Mr. President. At the same time keeping the FDC Headquarter under siege and the house-arrest of Dr. Kizza Besigye; also keeping Hon. Amama Mbabazi under the same treatment on the other side of town. This proves your cowardice ways. As you could not manage the dirty laundry in public and put into systematic order during court sessions as the elections has been a shambles of procedure. Deep inside you, Mr. President you know, what I mean as you went to war because of rigged election. The rigged election of Mr. Paolo Muwanga in 1980 for Dr. Milton Obote. So that you do the same now proves how you have changed. The glory days are totally over for you!

Museveni Odoi EC Flag Bearer P2

Even with the Go-Forward and Amama Mbabazi petition. You’re still a coward. I mean that because you have acted cowardly. With surely cowardice ways of using all tools of oppression and governmental funds to secure the presidency! This is something you have prepared since the Kyankawazi Resolution during February 2014. That means that you have been two years ago. You have worked for the sole-candidacy and the road to the elections have showed you have become a coward. A sole-candidacy of a coward that can’t have a honest campaign or a honest result. Not even a honest speech or even honest pledges. As a coward you even had to recycle old pledges to look formidable in rural districts; that you only visit if there is rallies and campaigning Mr. President.

The disregard for the other parties to meet and consult their supporters for rallies and mobilization; while you could as president travel all around on government funded trips as a honourable gentlemen and leader. That proves your disregard and is a coward’s way of pre-campaigning.

The biggest coward move from you Mr. President was the booming hiring of unemployed youth in the Crime Preventers program. That was groups of youth used cowardly to intimidate opposition and the public, not securing the violent behaviour or security in general. Second cowardly behaviour was your Post-Election Violence budget and the new Personnel Armoured Vehicles (PAV) and special anti-riot vehicles just before the Election Day. That was cowardly of you and your brigade.

Museveni - Road building

It isn’t easy saying you’re a coward. While the behaviour of the state your sponsor and the men you have around you make you look like a coward. You’re not acting like a proud man. This election and result is not an honest victory, if it had been so Mr. President. It would be more than Uganda Media Centre had celebrated your victory and you hadn’t felt the need to be with your cattle instead of your celebrating people. That is actions of coward.

The coward’s way continued with ban of social media and using the Uganda Communication to shut down radios and broadcasters who was not positive to you. Another cowardly move is how the Police continue to arrest and harass the journalist who follows the elections and the candidates as the ones that have lost their cameras, the ones that been detained, the ones that has been shot and so on. As you the coward you are complained at the state of journalism and the ethics they had while following your campaign trail. At one point Mr. President you suspended NTV Uganda from your trail. Others has felt your wreath and been detained and had to delete photos. You even called all Ugandan Newspapers rubbish and said you only read headlines and looked at the pictures. If you read some newspapers you might read and understand how people really feeling about you. I am sure your listening to your “Yes Men” like Hon. Frank Tumwebaze, Hon. Ofwono Opono and Hon. Dr. Ruhakana Ruganda; they will only tell you what you want to hear and not the truth, Mr. President!

Uganda Term Limits Museveni

Another cowardly move is the use of tear-gas and use of violence. You have also used mental violence through your hate speeches and sectarianism; something that counter the vision of you; Mr. President and you even speaks with that rhetoric as you called people around Kampala “rats” days before Election Day. Also Mr. President it is cowardly to say you are the only one who can keep the country safe. That is cowardly as you play your safety card and telling nobody else can; as most of the citizens hasn’t seen anybody else being a President.

If I offended you by calling you a coward, than I am not sorry! I am more sorry for the people behind bars, just for their political allegiance or belief in universal human rights. It cowardly not to let them counter your policies and your security outfits. It is cowardly that you not let them speak up and give them that freedom. Even one human rights activist had teaching in Namutumba district got detained for doing so! That is not peaceful and security that talk when you can’t teach youth about human rights without ending behind bars. That is a coward’s move Mr. President.

As long as you militarize politics and uses military as a tool to secure your power in the country you’re not a legitimate president. So long you use the police to harass your opposition and civil society, even citizens who are caring about politics and going to rallies. You’re a coward Mr. President. Because all of this shows that you don’t have faith in your presence or your policies. Mr. President it is strange that you don’t believe in your own programs and political framework. As it seems not to be strong enough to bring the masses or gain you goodwill. That shows the moral authority that has dwindled away over time as you have yet to fulfil ten-point program. You’re such a coward that you trust more in the Army and Police than in the political program of his beloved party!

So it is a sorry state Mr. President, your Excellency that I can call you a coward. I could have given you lot words. But that is the most fitting in the way you have threaten your opposition, given fear to your people and rigged this election to come out with honour. You’re not legitimate until the petition is sealed. President Museveni you might have run your country since 1986, but from the start of the pre-election period your actions has been of a man who acts like a coward. The cowardly move was to even amendment to Financial Management Act to make sure you had enough cash for your campaign funds. It proves how big of a coward you are when your opposition had to get funds from supporters; while you had the government funds or state funds to pay for your ferrying crowds and giving NRM village funds.

Crime Preventers

So I hope more people than me will call for what you are now. I know this will not make me popular, like Andrew Mwenda who is your golden mouthpiece. The worst thing is that you can’t shut me down. Still as long as you treat you’re opposition, your citizens and your government as your own playground, than I will continue to address you as a coward. As it is well deserved as a man who is a hero and democrat does not need armies deployed on the streets during elections, a man who has the public behind him and their votes would see people celebrate and not mourn. A man who has the legitimacy does not need army instead of the people. But you have always relied one the guns and not the votes as you only got one MP under the election in 1980. Than you used the guns and you still do. You we’re seen as a hero from taking the people away from totalitarian and despotic rulers; but now your alike them. You’re a coward who can’t leave power and a coward with government institutions and a arms. That is what you are, not the proud man who built possible democratic institutions, but instead depleted the ideals you built them on. Be proud of that, Mr. President officially a coward who is soon sworn-in for his seventh term. Peace.

Best Regards.

Writer of Minbane.

President Museveni is not running for his 5th term, but he is running for the 7th! Proving it by going through his previous terms

Uganda-parliament-2

I know for some of you people this will blow your mind; some of you will tell I told you so. Other people will be like? How dare you insult my intelligence, well it depends on how you deem history and how you let the victors rewrite it. As President Museveni has been a victor and won over his predecessors like Yusuf Lule, Tito Okello and Milton Obote, even Idi Amin together with Milton Obote and the Tanzanian Army in late 1970s. So President Museveni has won the power through guns. At the same time as he has lingers he has tried to rewrite history as the people neglect certain fact.

We are supposed to see the people of Uganda to elect the 10th Parliament as this is the end of the 9th Parliament. I will not discuss that matter, as that is not important me. We could discuss if there only been 9 functional Parliament and representative government since independence in 1962, or should we also count the ones that we’re before this since the British introduced Parliamentarism in Uganda in 1882. Then it is with certainty more than 10 of them. If so is that based on the new constitution after independence or the newly written to fit NRA/NRM in 1995? Then so I understand the coming 10th Parliament. Still, this is also worth discussing and the matter of how we value the predecessors and the tools they left behind for the men of today who rule. Feel me?

This here is not a reflection on how Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM) lost and got 4% in the 1980s and 1 seat in Parliament, as this was the first outfit for President Museveni. Museveni didn’t even get a seat as he lost to Sam Kutesa in the distric he was running in; that is a worthy side-note!

m7-1970

His first term – Overthrowing Okello in 1986:

But his first term started as he was sworn in and the New York Times described it like this:

“KAMPALA, Uganda, Jan. 29Yoweri Museveni, whose National Resistance Army descended on this battered capital city last week and overthrew the military Government of Gen. Tito Okello, was sworn in today as the new President of Uganda” (Rule, 1986). Here is in my opinion his start of first term, as he took it by the gun. As he was sworn in as President of Uganda, which initial means he got the appointment of rule as he defeated his opposition at that time.

ReaganMuseveni

 His Second Term – Election in 1989:

“The elections in 1989 also included elections for the majority of seats in parliament. Candidates for all these elections stood strictly as individuals and not as representatives for a party although several of them publicly were known supporters for one of the older parties – including the UPC. The Ugandan constitution was abolished in 1966, and no basic consensus has ever since appeared on the most basic issues like: how to elect a President and whether the country should be an unitary state or a federation including several kingdoms” (P: 40, 1994, Tidemand). “As already noted, the 1989 elections were held under strict anti-party rules since the NRM government had suspended all political party activities. Indeed, the Resistance Councils and Committees Elections Regulations, 1989, forbade all use of party symbols, sectarian appeals, and threats of force, the offer of food or drinks and the display of candidates’ posters. The absence of open campaigning made it impossible to discuss policies” (Bwana, 2009). “Out of a total of 278 seats, 210 members were elected without party affiliation” (African Elections).

This here election was one, and gave NRM time to rebuild and rewrite a new constitution. So this gave way for his second term in my opinion. Since the first term was from 1986 – 1989. From 1989 to 1996 is his second as there weren’t elections towards the parliament and presidential candidates, which means that the country was still controlled tightly by the NRM. Before the 1996 election there was election a Council for writing the new Constitution. That was put into place in 1995.

the-1995-constitution-was-very-clear-on-two-terms-but-museveni-used-parliament-to-remove-term-limits

His Third term – 1996 elections:

“The presidential election was preceded by an aggressive electoral campaign which was dominated by intimidation, vote buying, bribery and promises of material benefits. These methods were employed by both the opposition and the incumbent government during the 39 days which were allowed for presidential campaigns. It would seem that the aggressiveness of the campaign was dictated to some extent by the limited time allowed for each candidate to cover all of the country’s 39 districts, which meant that candidates were allowed one day of campaigning in each district. Again, this arrangement favoured the incumbent, President Museveni who had been in power for 10 years and was therefore well known to the electorate, compared to his challengers. Moreover, the electoral law allowed him the continued use of his presidential privileges which made the 39 campaign days less problematic” (Muhumaza, 1997). “The I996 presidential election was deemed a ‘step forward’ by many Western diplomats, although before the election some diplomats privately questioned how the election could be fair because of the fact that political parties were not able to organise to compete with the political machinery of the NRM (Reuters, 6 May I996). Despite private reservations, the official donor attitude was that the losers of the election should not contest the results. When Paul Ssemogerere went to the European Union Parliamentary Committee on Development to complain about the unfairness of the election, the committee told him to accept his defeat (The New Vision, 3 June I996)” (Hauser, 1999).

Interesting allegation about campaign money to Museveni in 1996:

It was for instance alleged that one presidential candidate received funds equivalent to 600 million shillings (US$600,000) from certain foreign organisations while on a pre-election visit to Europe; and that another candidate had been funded certain Islamic countries. Similar insinuations were hurled against President Museveni who was alleged to have got financial contributions from the Indian community in Uganda” (Muhumaza, 1997).

The election results from the 9th of May 1996:

The results was: “Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: 74.33 %, Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere: 23.61 % and Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja: 2.06 %” (African Election Database).

This here was the official first term as he was this one. Even if he had already been ten years in power, that is why I am saying this is his third term, as he had the first one from 1986 to 1989, when the overthrow Okello, second after the parliamentary elections to the first presidential election in 1996. That lasted to the 2001.

Before the next election this was reports on the great democratic environment President Museveni was building:

“Political parties are prohibited from holding party conferences, a ban which severely hampers their own internal reform. Since this ban has been in place since 1986, reform in the structure and leadership of political parties has been virtually impossible. Attempts to hold party conferences have been met with strong and unambiguous warnings from the Ugandan government that they would prevent such meetings” (…)”Since coming to power, the NRM has used a state-funded program of political and military education called chaka-mchaka to spread its message that political parties are destructive sectarian organizations responsible for Uganda’s past woes, an argument that resonates given Uganda’s recent political history. Chaka-mchaka thus serves to rationalize the NRM’s denial of political rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly. Government leaders, including President Museveni, often refer to advocates of democratic reform as their “enemies.” Other structures of local government such as the local councils (LC) and the Resident District Commissioners (RDC) serve to ensure support for the NRM, and often create a hostile climate for advocates of pluralism” (Human Rights Watch, 1999).

Old Campaign Posters Uganda

Fourth Term – General Election in 2001:

KAMPALA, Uganda, March 14— President Yoweri Museveni swept the hard-fought elections here today, in a victory that he called an acclamation of 15 years of peaceful rule but that his main opponent said was won only by extensive cheating” (…)”My votes are like Lake Victoria,” Mr. Museveni told tens of thousands of supporters this afternoon who marched to an airstrip downtown after the results were announced. ”They never dry up.” (…)”The main election monitors in Uganda said, however, that most allegations of cheating appeared to be against forces loyal to Mr. Museveni, estimating preliminarily that between 5 and 15 percent of the vote may have been won fraudulently. The fraud included people being forced or influenced to vote by election officials, intimidation and people being denied the right to vote” (Fisher, 2001).

The Election results from the 12th March 2001:

The results are: “Yoweri Kaguta Museveni: 69.33 %, Kizza Besigye: 27.82 %, Aggrey Awori: 1.41 %, Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja: 1.00%, Francis Bwengye: 31 % and Karuhanga Chapaa: 0.14 % (African Election Database).

Reactions to the election:

“Amnesty International (AI) agrees with the Besigye opposition that “the Presidential elections in Uganda have been marred by allegations of human rights abuses, both before and after the elections on 12 March 2001. An increasing number of human rights violations against opposition supporters, including illegal arrests and detention without charge, ill-treatment in detention, and alleged unlawful killings were reported by the Ugandan press in the weeks leading up to the elections. In some instances, supporters of President Museveni were also targetted.” (Afrol.com, 2001).

This here was the official second term, while I am saying it is the fourth one, that lead to him opening the Multi-Party elections in 2005. Also the referendum on term limits came into force in 2005. As the constitution made in 1995 gave the limit of the Executive Power and President had the ability to be elect twice. As he wasn’t elected in between 1986 to 1996; 10 years without accountability and still becoming a donor pleasant government as Structural Adjustment Program got eaten up by the Government of Uganda in that period. As President Museveni even met with U.S. President Clinton; as he was the new future leader of the “third world” development.

Uganda Term Limits Museveni

Here are the issues in 2005 with the abolishment of term limits:

“Museveni and his supporters, who pushed a controversial constitutional amendment rescinding presidential term limits through Parliament this month, are urging an overwhelming “yes” vote while the weak and fractured opposition want the country’s 8,9-million eligible voters to boycott the polls” (…)”Under current rules, political parties are allowed to exist but may not have branch offices and may not field candidates in elections. The only fully-functioning political entity is Museveni’s own “Movement” organisation to which all Ugandans theoretically belong” (Mayanja, 2005).

As it was voted in by the public he was allowed to be the Presidential candidate in yet another election. The one that happen in 2006!

Election 2011 Uganda

Fifth term – 23rd February 2006 Presidential Election:

As some context and pretext over the other issues written in between 2001 and 2006; this here is following the close and tense contest that was held in 2006; as the NRM was weaken over time, as the fatigue of running the country since 1986. As the fourth term was already showing how much they tried to continue to work under the Movement System, instead of giving way to Multi-Party Democracy, as people voted in the second referendum poll. Here is some things happening right before:

“A spokesman for the ruling National Resistance Movement told New Vision that the government had complained to the U.S.-based Web server which hosts Radio Katwe, Brinkster Communications Corporation, claiming that the site was publishing “malicious and false information against the party and its presidential candidate. (…)”Local journalists have expressed fears that the government could similarly block The Monitor’s Web site on election day, when the newspaper plans to keep a running tally of votes from across the country. “Our Web site has been going offline every day for the last three days” for several hours at a time, Monitor Group Managing Director Conrad Nkutu told CPJ. He added that while the problem appeared be a technical glitch, “we are also suspicious it might not be.” (CPJ, 2006).

Election results from 2006:

The results are:


Number of Votes
% of Votes
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (NRM) 4,109,449 59.26%
Kizza Besigye (FDC) 2,592,954 37.39%
John Ssebaana Kizito (DP) 109,583 1.58%
Abed Bwanika 65,874 0.95%
Miria Obote (UPC) 57,071 0.82%

(African Election Database)

Aftermath after the first Multi-Party after NRM got into Power:

“The multi-party elections of 2006 saw only slight improvements from 2001, notably in the area of media freedom. Dr Besigye ran against President Museveni for the second time, but now as the leader of a new political party, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), and garnered 37.39% of the votes, as against Museveni’s 59.26% majority. Dr Besigye’s Supreme Court case regarding the 2006 elections has become famous due to the ruling that Museveni was the rightful winner despite the Court’s acknowledgement of widespread electoral malpractices and vote rigging which were considered not to have substantially affected the results of the elections” (…)”For any engagement with these political parties a number of issues need to be taken into consideration, these include the multi-party system and the fact that the political playing field remains un-levelled in favour of the NRM. As such, donors operating in Uganda need to be cognisant of the implications of this, for the ruling party and for opposition parties. International donors have and continue to play a significant role in financing and monitoring Uganda’s elections. In the 1990s, the UNDP was the lead institution for donors who wanted to co-finance Uganda’s elections. The UNDP’s mandate involved managing a donors’ basket fund, and recruiting and supervising specialised technical assistance to support the EC and civil-society organisations to carry out tasks allocated to them” (Sekaggya, 2010).

Uganda Election 2011 P2

Sixth Term – General Election in 2011:

Some Pretext: “The 2011 Uganda elections have attracted a record 8 Presidential candidates from seven political parties and one Independent candidate. All the Presidential Candidates have been on the campaign trail marketing their manifestos to Ugandans and have dispelled earlier assertions that some of them, seen as weak, will pull out of the campaigns that like in 2006 were expected to majorly be between incumbent Yoweri Museveni of the National Resistance Movement and Dr. Kizza Besigye of the Forum for Democratic Change” (Rulekere, 2011). “FGD respondents said that this happens mainly on the election eve whereby candidates and/or their agents carry gifts and money in vehicles which have had number plates removed and they pack somewhere in the village and then walk from door to door giving money and/or gifts” (…)”Daily Monitor of Friday 7, January 2011 carried a lead story that President Museveni gave out $2.15 million (USh5 billion) in cash and pledges between July and October 2010 but the opposition is charging that such patronage is giving the incumbent an unfair advantage in the February 18, 2011 vote. Mr Museveni always conducts a countrywide tour before each election, during which he makes pledges and donations Critics say this is a disguised campaign that allows him to offer inducements to potential voters out of the public purse, a privilege unavailable to other candidates” (…)”Incumbent candidates have readily used their access to state resources to provide an unfair edge when running for re-election. This includes cash payments from the state treasury, use of state owned property and vehicles, as well as the fulfilment of campaign pledges during the campaign period. Voter have given up on their elected officials to fulfil campaign promises and seek to extract as much benefit as they can around the campaign period” (DMG, 2011)

The results are:

Candidate (Party) [Coalition] Number of Votes % of Votes
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (NRM) 5,428,369 68.38%
Kizza Besigye (FDC) [IPC] 2,064,963 26.01%
Norbert Mao (DP) 147,917 1.86%
Olara Otunnu (UPC) 125,059 1.58%
Beti Kamya (UFA) 52,782 0.66%
Abed Bwanika (PDP) 51,708 0.65%
Jaberi Bidandi Ssali (PPP) 34,688 0.44%
Samuel Lubega 32,726 0.41%

(African Election Database)

Tororo town FDC Poster Former Campaign IPC

The Commonwealth Observation Group noted this:

“The main concern regarding the campaign, and indeed regarding the overall character of the election, was the lack of a level playing field, the use of money and abuse of incumbency in the process. The magnitude of resources that was deployed by the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM), its huge level of funding and overwhelming advantage of incumbency, once again, challenged the notion of a level playing field in the entire process. Media monitoring reports also indicated that the ruling party enjoyed a large advantage in coverage by state-owned radio and TV. The ruling party in Uganda is by far the largest and best-resourced party and following many years in power, elements of the state structure are synonymous with the party. Further, reports regarding the “commercialisation of politics” by the distribution of vast amounts of money and gifts were most disturbing. Indeed, the „money factor‟ and widespread allegations of bribery and other more subtle forms of buying allegiance were key features of the political campaign by some, if not all, the parties. By all accounts, the 2011 elections were Uganda‟s most expensive ever. It is therefore important that for the future serious thought be given to election campaign financing and political party fundraising. This is more so given that there are virtually no checks on the levels of campaign financing and expenditure due to the cash-based nature of the campaign and the lack of stringent campaign financing regulations, both of which facilitate the use of illicit payments to voters as inducements and has the potential to undermine their free will” (Commonwealth Observers Group, 2011).

Museveni-with-a-dummy-map-of-uganda

Important how President Museveni could run in the 2016 Election:

The Kyankwanzi Resolution of 2014 – President Museveni’s right for Sole Candidacy in the NRM:

“RESOLUTION ON PARTY COHESION AND GOVERNANCE

We, the undersigned members of the NRM Caucus attending a retreat at the National Leadership Institute(NALI) Kyankwanzi (6,February 2014); Fully aware of our Country’s historical  past and the need to consolidate and sustain the Milestones registered over the years since 1986; Cognizant of the fact that there is still a lot more to be done in order to realize our ideological vision of uniting Uganda(Nationalism), Pan-africanism, transforming our country from a poor peasantry society to a modern economy and upholding democracy; Conscious of the fact that what has been so far achieved over the last 28 years needs to be guarded jealously and improved upon to realize our vision; Aware  that when individuals engage in personal scheming, party cohesion is undermined, development efforts aredistracted and the population is diverted from work to early politicking;

DO here by resolve;

  1. To support H.E Yoweri Kaguta Museveni tocontinue leading and facilitating our country on its take off journey to transformation”

Afterthought –Run in to General Election 2016.

1986-1996: First and Second Term!

So I have now gone through the Elections since 1986 until today in 2016. That is thirty years in Power for the Executive Power and being President Museveni. 1986 to 1996, he didn’t really become elected as President as he did a coup d’état in 1986 to bring down regime at the current time. So the period from 1986 to 1996, there was an election in 1989 a Resistance Council elections which barred the Parliament with elected men and woman from the NRM/A, but was not an ordinary election to bring the people’s will in full effect and not even electing President Museveni, but securing polls to validate the rule of NRM at the time, also in my consideration to shut-up the donor-community; so they see the “democratic” vision of President Museveni. He even made a stunning Constitution in 1995. President Museveni had set the standard with two term limits and other regulatory tools to secure accountability that was new in Uganda, together with swallowing the Structural Adjustment Program to secure massive amount of funding to rebuild the country and secure Universal Preliminary Education. Something the citizens of Uganda got excited about and also gave him praise abroad.

museveni 2016 Poster

Third Term 1996-2001:

After the 1996 Presidential Election was his third term elections, and the official first term (which I can’t take serious) as he had already ruled for a decade, and you can’t shuffle that off that easy. Even with the bodies and violence to get the power in 1986, it cost so much suffering to gain that power; so to eradicate that and call this his first term, is to neglect the first ten years of power. Something we should be to damn wise to not. There we’re still not a Multi-Party Democracy or Elections as President Museveni doesn’t really believe in that; as the nation had to after this go through two referendum polls before initiating the hassle of letting people be controlled by other party functions then the NRM.

Fourth Term 2001-2006:

So when the fourth term came in 2001, he had already been long enough in power to already using up the constitutional rights as the Executive Power and President of the land. He was still popular and gained a lot of support. Even if the election was rigged and had a massive malpractices; the initial issues is how he pleaded and mixed up with referendum terminating presidential term limits to fit himself and rewriting the constitution of 1995 in 2005, so he could run off a third time. The second score of joy for the people was the second vote of the polls for Multi-Party Democracy, meant that the public could vote for other parties then the NRM during the 2006, as much as they could still as ever; vote for the old man with the hat! After 20 years in power he still used sufficient tools to be able to get voted in. And also stifle the completion in his favor, as the man who took power himself in 1986.

Fifth Term 2006-2011:

Set for the fifth term in 2006. The NRM and President Museveni at the time was re-introducing of multi-party election and continuing to go as the candidate, to secure the total tally of 25 years; when the term would be done.  He fixed the 1995 constitution one year advanced so he could run again! This time the third official campaign and polls, though still, with the 10 year as ruler before an election means, initially fifth. This here was the start of the down-turn as he now showed more and more the authoritarian leader and totalitarian state, compared to donor-friendly character he was when he first was sworn in 1986 and steady ship he hold while elected in 1996.

Sixth Term 2011- 2016:

As his sixth term in 2011, there was already starting to crack with the NRM leadership and the people, as they we’re ready for new leaders and a new executive. As the Kampala Riots and ‘Walk to Work’ demonstrations; proves that the leadership is in a fatigue state where the public is tired of the NRM and their ring leader President Museveni. Even still with well rigged machinery the NRM “won” again the election. To finish of this one, he had to swallow a few scalps to secure his sole candidacy, he had to break of Gilbert Bukenya his loyal fellow, he had to push of cliff Amama Mbabazi who wished to take his seat in the NRM, which is not a possibility unless you are the clone of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni; something Amama Mbabazi is not! In early 2014 he had to set up his machinery ready and get his party in line so that he could get the spot again with the Kyankwanzi Resolution in February 2014 and set his goals on the 7th Term as the Executive and President of Uganda, in the 10th Parliament. That is another timeline I am not sure of, I am sure there are more then 10 elected or appointed Parliaments and sessions in the great republic of Uganda. It is just a a way of rewriting history as the NRM is famous for.

Mbabazi M7 Besigye

That rewriting history comes in the sense of saying NRM and President Museveni is contesting for the 5th Term, I am saying his fifth term was between 2006-2011 his most turbulent ruling period after his first term in 1986-1989 when he still struggled to keep the whole country into peace, as there was still guerrillas and militias wanting to unsettle the new regime in Kampala. As we have seen, and we can see, there is a pattern and there is a reason why I am saying “we could really see his democratic wish” as the elections and malpractices seems like the same as when he took power. The rigging he claimed he wanted in the 1980s and why he lost as the UPM front-man, it seems to be same as it was under Dr. Milton Obote, the only difference is that he has been able to be stable and keep a strong army to spread the fear so that nobody has tried to really use a coup d’état against him. There been allegations in the past, and even persons been alleged in court for treason against the state, but they have been more political motivated then actual forces or militias in the sense they went to the bush to get rid of President Museveni. Though LRA and ADF has gone after his head, but failed.

President Museveni is now trying his best to get into his 7th Term, and we should not be surprised by election rigging, malpractices to destroy level playing-grounds for political parties, paying for votes and using both government institutions and government funds to be re-elected; Even supress the court to secure the validation or dismiss the allegation of election fraud in the 2016 election. I fear for the public response this time and how the security agents of the state will address them. As the Gen. Katumba Wamala of the UPDF will surely do what he can to impress President Museveni and Police Boss IGP Gen. Kale Kayihura follows orders blindly made by the Executive, as if he wants to shut down demonstrations and revolts against the totalitarian regime that the NRM has evolved into. As they are used to stealing the elections and taking the people for ransom to gain riches while the average people toil in poverty. There is time for change with a government with transparency, accountability and good governance; as the government now is famous for not caring about this issues and becoming dependent on feeding the cronies and loyal men of Museveni instead of serving the people. Peace.

Reference:

African Elections Database – ‘Elections in Uganda’ link: http://africanelections.tripod.com/ug.html

Afrol.com – ‘”Uganda needs to re-affirm human rights commitment” (17.03.2001) link: http://www.afrol.com/News2001/uga006_hrights_reaffirm.htm

Bwana, Charles – ‘Voting Patterns in Uganda’s Elections: Could it be the end of the National Resistance Movement’s (NRM) domination in Uganda’s politics?’ (2009) – LES CAHIERS D’AFRIQUE DE L’ N° 41

Commonwealth Observer Group – ‘UGANDA PRESIDENTIAL AND

PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS’ (24.02.2011)

Committee to Protect Jorunalist (CPJ) – ‘Critical website Radio Katwe blocked on eve of presidential election’ (23.02.2006) link: http://www.ifex.org/uganda/2006/02/23/critical_website_radio_katwe_blocked/

Democracy Monitoring Group (DMG) – ‘Report on Money in Politics – Pervasive vote buying in Ugandan Election’ (January 2011)

Fisher, Ian – ‘Final Count Has Uganda President Winning 69% of Vote’ (15.03.2001) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2001/03/15/world/final-count-has-uganda-president-winning-69-of-vote.html

Hauser, Ellen – ‘Ugandan Relations with Western Donors in the 1990s: What Impact on Democratisation?’ (Dec. 1999) link: http://www.constitutionnet.org/files/Hauser%20Uganda%20donors.pdf

Human Right Watch – ‘Hostile to Democracy The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda’ (01.10.1999) link: http://www.refworld.org/docid/45dad0c02.html

Manyanja, Vincent – ‘Ugandans face paradox in referendum’ (25.07.2005) link: http://mg.co.za/article/2005-07-25-ugandans-face-paradox-in-referendum

Muhumaza, William – ‘Money and Power in Uganda’s 1996 Elections’ (1997) – African. Journal. Political Science (1997), Vol. 2 No. 1, 168-179

Rule, Sheila – ‘REBEL SWORN IN AS UGANDA PRESIDENT’ (30.01.1986) link:  http://www.nytimes.com/1986/01/30/world/rebel-sworn-in-as-uganda-president.html

Rulekere, Gerald – ‘Uganda Elections 2011: The Presidential Candidates – Early Predictions’ (17.02.2011) link: http://www.ugpulse.com/government/uganda-elections-2011-the-presidential-candidates-early-predictions/1207/ug.aspx

Sekaggya, Margaret – ‘Uganda: Management of Elections’ (01.01.2010) link: https://www.eisf.eu/library/uganda-management-of-elections/

Tidemand, Per – ‘The Resistance Councils in Uganda A Study of Rural Politics and Popular Democracy in Africa’ (1994) –PHD Dissertation at Roskilde University, Denmark.

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