MinBane

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Archive for the category “War History”

Jajja says War is Wasteful: Why is your CV filled with Military Enterprises then?

War is wasteful. You have lost a lot of development time. In 2005 during the interim period, Juba was a very small town near the river. Now it has grown wide. If we had not had this war between 2013 – 2015, there would have been even greater development. Make covenant like the one Israel made with God. No war to solve political arguments between brothers and sisters. Political arguments can be solved by discussions or free and fair elections. It is ideologically incorrect to use war for an argument. Also make sure state institutions are national to build peoples confidence” – Yoweri Kaguta Museveni on the 31st October 2018 at the Peace Celebration in Juba, South Sudan.

I have heard time believe the audacity the Ugandan President had yesterday, the man who has built a career and made sure, everyone knows. It is a reason why the Uganda People’s Defence Force is involved with all sorts of business, aside of warfare. They are parts of NAADs, SACCOs, NEC and so on. Nothing the army doesn’t do. UPDF infuse everywhere and has done so, since the NRA/NRM took power in 1986.

The war-sheet I have made of Museveni is striking and certainly lacks the finer details. But it gives the gist of the peace-maker and peace-loving dude, the farmer of the State House and the all-round Cattle-Keeper are up too. Jajja or Mzee, even Bosco knows this and cannot be that forgetful. Even if he is getting advanced age. He steadily been parts of wars, supported them and even using his force in battlefields as we speak. Therefore, we he calls wars a waste, he has built a career on it. None denying that. If you do. Check his record. Read a few books and get back to me.

Museveni’s Gist Warrior CV:

1979 ( Uganda National Liberation Army) Overthrow President Idi Amin together with President Nyerere and Dr. Milton Obote.

1980-1986 (National Resistance Army) Bush-War against Obote

1986 – 2006 Northern Insurgency and civil-war in Northern Uganda against the Lord Resistance Army (LRA)

1993-1994 UPDF Supports the Rwandan Patriotic Army in the Rwandan Genocide and the overthrow of the Juvénal Habyarimana.

1996-1997 First Congo War – UPDF and RPA invades Democratic Republic of Congo to overthrow Mobutu Sese Seko.

August 1998 – July 2003 Second Congo War – UPDF and RPA assassinate Laurent-Desire Kabila. Joseph Kabila his son takes power after him.

March 2007 – Until Now: UPDF as part of the AMISOM Mission in Somalia

2011 – 2017 African Union Regional Task Force supported by the USA to use UPDF to hunt for the LRA and Kony in the Central African Republic (C.A.R).

2013-2015 UPDF fights in the civil-war in support of South Sudan President Salva Mayardit Kiir.

2017 – Until Now: Deployment and Training of Soldiers in Equatorial Guinea

Side Projects:

Supporting arms to MLC, M23 and other militias within the DRC at various points of time. Kisoro, Mbarara and Kabale military bases for arms and training.

Military training of personnel and trading arms to South Sudan, even during UN Arms Embargo.

Allegedly Supported Nkurunziza with battalions and helicopters during the Burundi Crisis in 2015.

When you see this list, you get the feeling right. Here is not even casualties, the internally displaced, the refugees or the famines created. There is neither the export of conflict minerals or any of the misgivings, the possible assassinations of high ranking officials, the political play to be the king-maker within the Great Lakes Region and the East Africa Community. Something President Yoweri Museveni always was be. He wants loyal men to himself and his reign to in the neighborhood. That is why he has involved himself in Rwanda, Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia and South Sudan. He has had twist into everything.

Therefore, it is rich reading that he said this yesterday in Juba, South Sudan. It is noble thought of the old-man. But it didn’t come from the right person. It should come from someone who hasn’t used military force to get his will and get power. Neither to overthrow and start wars in other countries too. President Museveni is that guy and not only waited for International Recognition, before sending troops somewhere in favor of someone he wants to be in power. That is just what the man does. He easily sends troops if it benefits him.

Enough of this nonsense. Enough of these bullets. Peace.

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Museveni winning a Peace Price? You got to be kidding me!

“Let’s not wait to use guns. We can use the tongue; so why not get the unity we desire?” Yoweri Kaguta Museveni at a speech at a rally in Mbarara District (Uganda Times, January 7, 1980).

Mr. I Took the Power by the Gun in 1986 and has been sticking with it since. Are now awarded with a peace price (!!). This the biggest insult to peace, as a man who has supported endless war, prolonged his own civil war to topple countless leaders who stood his in way. Now, he is awarded for peace. On the day, that he started the Third Congo Civil War, which is even a bigger insult, as the civilians there are still lingering from the pain caused by proxy-militias supported by the Ugandan President. It is not as if he has passed on the opportunity to be the kingmaker anywhere and still does when he can.

“The 2018 Global Peace Award will be presented President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni in honour of his leading peace efforts and initiatives in the Great Lakes region and beyond, Shukla Mukesh the Chairman Global Peace Foundation Uganda Chapter has announced. Mukesh told a fully parked press conference in Munyonyo that the award ceremony for Museveni would be one of the major highlights of the on-going 3-day Global Peace leadership conference being held at the Common wealth Speke Resort Hotel in Munyonyo that started on August 1, 2018” (New Vision – ‘Museveni’s peace initiatives win him global award’ 02.08.2018, link: https://www.newvision.co.ug/new_vision/news/1482633/museveni-peace-initiatives-win-global-award).

Therefore, because he rewarded. Let us look into the man’s past. Just briefly, to show the madness of giving this man this award. It is insulting to peace, it like making the war-lord into a saint. That will not work in my book, when your crook, your stay a crook, since we know what you took. It is that simple and plain, we know your history and that will not rewritten. We know that recently, you promised to serve President Salva Kiir Mayardit with more arms if needed, even in the midst of negotiations and peace-dealings. That you did, at the time UN put sanctions on arms trade to the Republic. Well, that didn’t matter. That is just in 2018.

Take a look at his past, in DRC, Rwanda and South Sudan. Nothing about peace, more about war!

DRC:

“The Third Congo Civil War became the deadliest conflict since World War II. An estimated 5.4 million war-related deaths occurred and more than twice that number were displaced from their homes and sought asylum in neighborhood countries. The Third Congo Civil War evolved out of Laurent-Desire Kabila’s victory over Mobutu Sese Seko in 1997. Once Kabila became president of the DRC, his relations with previous allies like Rwanda and Uganda quickly deteriorated. In July 1998, Kabila ordered all officials and troops from Rwanda and Uganda to leave the country. Instead on August 2, 1998, those troops began supporting rebels who were intent on overthrowing Kabila. Two days later, Rwandan troops flew directly from their nation to the DRC province of Bas-Congo (now Kongo Central) which the intention of joining other Rwandan and Ugandan soldiers and march on the capital of Kinshasa” (Samuel Momodu – ‘Third Congo Civil War (1998-2003)’ link: http://www.blackpast.org/gah/third-congo-civil-war-1998-2003).

Rwanda:

“Museveni’s political survival strategies; and the prevailing economic, political, and humanitarian climate in the post-Cold War regional and international arena. Fourth, there is considerable evidence that the mobilization for the invasion was public knowledge in Uganda. This in tum suggests that President Museveni’s regime was almost certainly aware of it as well. The existing evidence also indicates that the regime trained, provided sanctuary, arms, logistical support, political, and diplomatic assistance to the RPA throughout the period of military engagement in Rwanda” (Ogenga Otunnu, ‘The Path of a Genocide’, P:48, 1999).

South Sudan:

“In the Sudan, Mr. Museveni for years has aided the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, led by his old comrade and classmate John Garang, against the Islamic fundamentalist Government in Khartoum” (James C. McKinley Jr. – ‘Uganda Leader Stands Tall in New African Order’ 15.07.1997 link: https://www.nytimes.com/1997/06/15/world/uganda-leader-stands-tall-in-new-african-order.html).

This should be more than enough reasons to not give him the reward. The way he has made dozens of wars within the DRC. To take out Mobutu, but also Laurent Kabila, also the support of RPA to overthrow the regime of Rwanda. While supporting the rebel force of South Sudan in their battle too. Therefore, he has supported enough wars and delivered enough conflict. As he continue to do to now. Surely he would help Pierre Nkurunziza in Burundi and so on.

He is more likely to escalate conflicts in his interests, than try to forge peace. Therefore, it is insulting to give him an award for peace. Especially on the day of 20 years ago since he invaded together with Rwanda the Democratic Republic of Congo to topple Laurent Kabila. That should be a no-no, but certain ones just don’t care about all the people who died in the conflict and who was behind it. That was him and Rwandan President Paul Kagame. Something that the world should remember and never forget. Peace.

The historical call between Kissinger and Marder: Shows how the NSA became a WaPo source!

In December 12, 1972 there was a unique phone call between Journalist Murray Marder at the Washington Post and the then National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger under President Richard Nixon. Here we can see allegations from the Washington Post and the Nixon Government warfare in Vietnam. How it is explained and how the sudden approach of Marder get the truth and also get Kissinger to explain the situation, instead of getting angry and stop listening to press. Something, today’s government should learn, since this is not stopping the spin, but explaining the facts. Also, come forward. We are even seeing that Kissinger went to become “government source”, instead of being named in paper. Just take a look!

Let me show you pieces of the conservation between Marder and Kissinger to give some context:

Kissinger: Yes, Murray.

Marder: Henry —-

Kissinger: Not that goddamn paper deserves a return call

Marder: Ah, you mean the editorial or me or what?

Kissinger: The Editorial. No you’ve been 80 % rational. But for a newspaper that’s accusing us of not showing enough goodwill; now to accuse us of naivety is almost more than one’s morality can stand. But go ahead, you’re not responsible for the editorial”

He later continues:

Marder: This is what I wanted to get at because the Press Office response was it was untrue that Kissinger asked for 126 charges. But we said, well, we thought it was too much because that leaves the question: “well, was it 125 or was it anything or was it –”

Kissinger: The last day we asked for none whatsoever. You know, I don’t know how the sons-of-bitches are counting – they might, during the course of 15 days, if they count every word that was ever suggested in these discussions, they might amount to something, I don’t know. We did not – – there were never more than 8 points seriously at issue at any time during the 15 days. All of this is off-the-record”

Later again:

Marder: Which I’m not trying to do obviously because of this is the kind of thing you get a sweeping accusation from somebody of 126 charges.

Kissinger: The major issue that was discussed occurred in one place and did not recur through the document.

Marder: um-humm.

Kissinger: It is just not true.

Marder: Right.

Kissinger: You know, it might be hard to accept it. The U.S. Government may be telling the truth and Hanoi may be lying but it’s just barely conceivable.

Marder: No, the question here was just simple the way the way he is slinging the 126 around, it was obvious to anybody following this that there are not 126 charges probably in the entire agreement in any substantive form and he has gone on to say that – –

Kissinger: Look, can anybody really believe that having negotiated the Berlin agreement, the Shanghai communique, the SALT agreement, that one could be so wrong at the end of October as to think that 126 issues could be settled in three or four days?

Marder: No, I would think absolutely not.

Kissinger: Or is it more likely that we raised exactly the issues that I mentioned at the end of October? Issues on the assumption of a decisions to settle are easy. And on the assumption of a decision not to settle become insoluble.

Marder: Yeah, yes. I would have no problem with that”

Later in the conversation:

Marder: What is not clear to me is do you see a probability of them dumping everything into that record? That would mean a break and everything if they would go that far.

Kissinger: They wouldn’t do that; they wouldn’t look to good.

Marder: I would think there is a limit. The point is that they probably do not want to break off the negotiations but want to register some great indignation and dismay and generate whatever support pressures from China and Moscow to support them there.

Kissinger: I think that’s right. Murray, I’ve got to run but will you write this please by keeping White House or anybody else out of it.

Marder: All right but I must use something – – Administration sources said the charge of 126 has no foundation whatsoever.

Kissinger: That’s right”

Finally:

Marder: This is why I called you because the White House thing left that hanging.

Kissinger: Hell, it wasn’t anything like 10. I mean, in fact, only 10 things that were ever seriously discussed.

Marder: Right.

Kissinger: There may be a lot of things but all of this is basically irrelevant because all of those issues have in fact practically been settled.

Marder: Right, right. Just one brief thing, the timing discernible at all on any next move on their part?

Kissinger: I have no estimate on that.

Marder: Um-humm.

Kissinger: Okay, Murray.

Marder: Thank you, Henry.

Kissinger: Right. Tell ______ that I deeply appreciate his editorial.

Marder: I will”

If you see how the conservation was between the National Security Advisor and Washington Post Journalist. Shows how the political game is played and what efforts being made. How it went from I hate that editorial, to I appreciate it. Certainly, politician will act first in defense and say the papers are wrong. But when he changed and listened to Kissinger, the story got altered and the information being given made sense. So it wasn’t a spin. Maybe, the White House of today could learn from it today.

5th May 1941: Ethiopia liberated from Italy – Full Liberation Speech from H.I.M. Haile Selassie!

No human lips can express the gratitude which I feel to the merciful God who has enabled me to stand in your midst on this day, of which the angels in heaven and creatures on earth could neither have thought of nor known about. Before everything else, I want to tell you and to make you understand that this … is a day on which a fresh chapter of history of the New Ethiopia begins. In this new era, new work is commencing, which is the duty of all of us to perform.

As We remember the affliction which befell Ethiopia, which had preserved her independence for many thousand years, was attacked in 1888 E.C. (1895-6) by Italy, which had harbored aggressive designs against her for many years and intended to destroy her freedom, her brave sons fought at Adwa and she retained her independence. The Treaty of Wuchale was not the only cause of the battle that was fought at Adwa. It was only a pretext for the ongoing aim that Italy had of ruling Ethiopia. Although the Great European War interrupted her plans for a time, notwithstanding her outward pretensions of friendship, Italy made preparations to invade Ethiopia. Since her defeat at Adwa, she had been irate that justice prevailed against her.

When Italy began to wage a war of aggression against Ethiopia, although We knew We were not so well armed as she was, We countered with what strength We could muster, because it was Our duty to resist an enemy that had come to seize Our country. But as it was apparent that she was bent on exterminating Our people with poison gas, the use of which was prohibited by international law, We went to appeal to the League of Nations and claim justice. As it was feared that the hostility started by Italy might spread all over the world, and as it was a period when all those who were charged with the responsibility of government were trying to save the world for the catastrophe which has since befallen it, the [leaders] worked to bring about understanding in the world to prevent the spread of the conflagration. At the time our true friend, Great Britain, received Us with sympathy. I remained there working, but in spirit was constantly with my countrymen, whose blood was pointlessly and ruthlessly shed at the hands of the Italians; with the monasteries and churches that were being burned down; with those forced to take refuge in foreign lands; and with those suffering and being afflicted in the wilderness, in the caves and in the forests of their native land.

How many are the young men, the priests and monks whom the Italians pitilessly massacred during these years? You know that in Addis Abeba alone many thousands perished during the three days following St Michael’s day on Yekatit 12, 1929 [Feb. 19, 1937]. The blood and bones of those who were killed with spades and pickaxes, of those who were split with axes and hammered to death, pierced with bayonets, clubbed and stoned, of those who were burned alive in their homes with their little children, of those who perished of hunger and thirst in prison, have been crying for justice. Everybody knows that this act of barbarism and cruelty was not perpetrated in Addis Abeba alone, but [also] in the provinces of Ethiopia. There is hardly anyone who has not been caught and beaten, kicked, humiliated and imprisoned.

Now We shall pass on to the new history that is before Us. five years ago on this day the fascist forces entered Our capital city. Then Mussolini announced to the world that he had established a Roman Empire in Our country, Ethiopia. He believed that the land he declared conquered would forever be in his hands. The gallantry of the Ethiopia people is recorded in history. But as We had no ports through which to import armaments necessary for people, we were unable to obtain them. Fifty-two nations condemned Mussolini for his actions. But he boasted of his violent deeds and took no heed of their condemnation. The past five years have been years of darkness for you, my people. But you never lost hope, and in the Ethiopian hills you gradually grew [strong]. The enemy never ventured to come near the mountains on which you were, because, enduring every hardship and affliction, you, the warriors of Ethiopia, safeguarded your freedom during the past five years. But in spite of the fact that he could not conquer the country, he spent many thousands of millions of lire, saying that he was civilizing what he could hold. He spent all that money not because he desired to improve the conditions of the oppressed Ethiopian people or to mitigate the injustice he had done. It was because he wanted to plant a fascist colony in Our sacred land of Ethiopia and to impose on her the rule of oppression which he had planned. He tried to exterminate the Ethiopian race and did not even entertain the idea of giving her the administration of either a mandate or a protectorate, which, in any case, would have been considered a heavy yoke for Our people. But all the money that could be counted by the thousands of millions and all the prepared armaments served a purpose which Mussolini never intended. At the time when Italy revealed her intentions of entering the war in order to be able to snatch from a defeated France as much as she could, the number of soldiers, the amount of money and the armaments she had sent to Ethiopia were enormous. The regular troops she deployed were not less that 250 000, she also had amassed provisions to last many years in case she was encircled. Trusting in, and bragging of , the invincibility of this military force, the fascist government proceeded with implanting dictatorial rule in Our country. But something happened which the fascist government did not take into account–the fighting morale, essential in modern war, demonstrated by you.

You were able to destroy the enemy who were superior to you in numbers and equipment, because you are a people of bravery and mercy and because you cooperated and knew the strategy of war. The British troops, who were fighting for human rights on other fronts…needed time to get ready to come to the assistance of Ethiopia. and free her. But you, warriors of Ethiopia, harassed the enemy by cutting his communications [and] by restricting him to his fortifications. In spite of the great numbers of troops in which he put his trust, he realized that the Ethiopian people from one end [of the country] to the other hated him and his rule. He understood also that it was impossible for him to live in such a country and in the midst of such a people. Even by using poison gas and bombs and by [committing] atrocities. he could no longer hope to enjoy overlordship in a country where he was terrible undermined. He realized that the soldiers who surrounded him were adversaries more powerful than he was. He spent his daring and money to meet his adversaries. Then he looked around, if perchance he could find somewhere where he could take shelter in Ethiopia, but he could not find even one place.

When the time came, Our great ally, the British Government prepared to launch a proper attack against Our enemy. As soon as I knew this, I left for the distant land of the Sudan, which borders us the west, and entered central Gojam. In Gojam Our enemy had strong fortified positions, powerful troops, airplanes, and artillery. On comparing the number of Our soldiers with those of the enemy, We found that We had one soldier for every 20 of his. Moreover, We had no artillery or aircraft at Our disposal. The fact that I was found in the midst of my warriors at once attracted many thousands of men. And the fear and anxiety of Our enemy increased. While my soldiers were harassing and cutting off the enemy’s communications and , after having driven his troops across the Abay river, were pursuing them towards Shewa and Begemdir, I heard the good news that British Imperial troops had, with incomparable speed, retaken Our capital city and were pushing towards Dese in the north and Jima in the south. In the same way, the troops who started from the Sudan destroyed the fortress at Keren with brilliant force and utterly defeated the enemy. And as the time came for my return to my capital, I mustered my soldiers who were scattered in every direction in pursuit of the enemy… I am exceedingly happy that I have been able to arrive here at the head of my soldiers, the enemy who was found on my path having been defeated, and to break the power of the common foe. I am deeply thankful to Almighty God that I stand today in your midst in my Palace, from which the fascist government has fled.

People of my country, Ethiopia!

Today is a day in which Ethiopia is stretching her hands to God in joy and thanksgiving and revealing her happiness to her children.

This day , on which the people of Ethiopia are freed from the oppressive foreign yoke and eternal servitude and on which I am enabled to rejoin my people, whom I love and have yearned for, will be honored as a holiday to be commemorated annually as a Great Ethiopian Anniversary. On this day we shall remember those heroic warriors who, determined not to surrender the great charge passed on to them by their fathers, became martyrs, shedding their blood and breaking their bones for the freedom of the land they loved and for the honor of the Emperor and their flag. Their heroic deeds will remain recorded in Ethiopian history.

The tribulations and afflictions, which befell us during the past five years and which cannot be recounted and enumerated in detail, will be a great lesson to us all and, with industry, unity, cooperation and love engraved in your hearts, will be a great incentive to your to be my helpers in the construction of the Ethiopia which I have in mind. In the New Ethiopia I want you to be a people undivided and endowed with freedom and equality before the law.

You will have to join me in my efforts for the prosperity of the country, for the riches of the people, for the development of agriculture, commerce, education, learning, for the protection of the life and resources of Our people, and for the perfection, on modern lines, of the country’s administration.

It is my firm wish and purpose to merit the blessing with which God in His mercy has visited on Us, first, by showing Our gratitude to Our allies, the British, by the release of the Imperial troops to fight the common enemy on other fronts, and by supplying them with troops whenever they may be needed; secondly, to do work beneficial to the people and the country by establishing in Our Ethiopia a government which will protect Our nation and make it respectable by guaranteeing the liberty of the people and freedom of conscience.

What I would finally announce to you, my people, is that today is a day of rejoicing for us all. Today is the day on which we defeated our enemy. We shall see that our enemies are disarmed and sent out the same way they came. As St George who killed the dragon is the Patron Saint of our army as well as of our allies, let us unite with our allies in everlasting friendship and amity in order to be able to stand against the godless and cruel dragon which has newly risen and which is oppressing mankind. I charge you to consider [our allies] as brothers and friends [and] show them kindness and consideration.”

Ill Doctrine: “Why we are we, as a nation, such suckers for acts of war?” – Footage

Opinion: It is easy to trigger missiles, but not easy to find sustainable solutions to the Syrian civil-war!

Aleppo, Syria

Never think that war, no matter how necessary, nor how justified, is not a crime.” – Ernest Hemingway

Now that for the Second time that the President of United States orders attacks on foreign soil, we can wonder, what sort of effect this will have. The broader sense is that President Donald Trump tries to prove his point and that he is right. He would not have pulled the trigger if he thought he was wrong. Even if he has no knowledge of what the consequences of his actions.

We can know for certain know after the bombings in Syria and the Military Operations in Yemen, know that the intelligence or the efforts are sporadic and will be only with his judgement, not with a sense of the aftermath of his action. He do not seem to have the mental capacity to continue a long pattern of similar behavior neither also to sustain the ability to understand the complexity of the warfare in either Iraq, Syria or Yemen.

Therefore, the response that so many justifies will open up new wormholes and new problems that the President has to undue or fix. Therefore, with this in mind, the President has to and need to address. Not just, pull another gun and fix another rocket. That cannot change or significantly alter the scenario in these countries, as the allies and the other counterparts has agendas on their own. Certainly, something that should have be considered before the blasts, but seems far-fetched today. Therefore, with this in mind, the Trump Administration has a lot of responsibility since they have effectively now put their stakes into the conflicts.

So the United States have now more responsibility, neither if the issue is Bashar Al-Assad government, Islamic State insurgency or the White Helmets, nor any other affiliated group that create havoc, even if the Russian sponsored government create massive amounts of atrocities. The reality in Syria is that US government cannot just blame Russia, Turkey or anyone internally, as the Presidential Decree has now clearly used their weapons.

The order to bomb the airport and violate the airspace clearly indicates the newfound trigger-happy President that is in Washington. That President Trump do not think of the consequences is clear and will show with coming time. President Trump will not reconsider or properly evaluate the evidence on the ground, as he never conceded his loss when the faulty towers approach to Yemen earlier in the year.

 

So know that State Secretary Rex Tillerson will carry the water of the President, as all allies will do to, to please the current leadership, even if the ending is wrong and historians will see the operation as pointless. Did we learn anything by these actions; I doubt it, since the only end game is more death and destruction. Certainly, the victims, the civilians in Syria will beg to differ, the refugees that cannot even get into safe-haven in United States, should feel betrayed, that the President who stops them from entering their shores can blow their country into pieces.

The civil war that has lasted for 6 years, which has been bloody, where the United States, United Nations, Turkey and Russia, have not solved, neither has the parties inside Syria. There are no indications that this will create anything better between the ones who invest in the civil war. If you learn anything from history, the involvement of external powers inside the civil war in Spain in the 1930s.

A war when more children and women die than grown armed men is a very dirty war.” – UN Special Advisor for Syria Jan Egeland.

There is clearly evidence of what the UN Special Advisor claims, as the chemical warfare of the Assad regime isn’t positive, still the Trump paradigm will not change the pattern on the ground. Since the Trump ways of solving issues is sporadic and unclear, not like he going to invest his time and efforts to understand the complexity, not that he is interested to listen to advice. If he did so, he wouldn’t just send a few tomahawk missiles towards an airfield, but actually make a difference. It is easy for big-men to pull the trigger and destroy something.

There is time for Trump Administration to figure out how they want to deal and maneuver inside the civil-war in Syria. Triggering a few missiles will not make more damage than has already happen, towns, village and cities are already bombed into dust, fleeing Syrians citizens are on the outside of the Republic and the leadership, which needs a change. That is well-known as the six years of conflict hasn’t created anything positive inside Syria. Therefore, Trump could have known better, but his ego stands in the way.

Time to consider and reconsider, the added deaths and bombs won’t create anything, the ammunition and bloodshed from either military groups will not show the world… that there are a solution or anyone who will govern or give ways to peace. There are enough people who has died, enough people who fled the Republic, while the internal battles continues. The innocent always dies in the war and certainly the missiles from the United States killed a few of those. Not that this defends the chemical warfare of Assad, but all bloodshed should be condemn.

Trump, the President of United States, the Commander-In-Chief has now ordered to military operations outside of the United States, these will prove his army capabilities and his use of intelligence, as he is more on the ego of himself, more than on the results of his actions. President Trump cannot say he has made a difference in either Syria or Yemen, the problems are still there and the operations has only made temporary bloodshed, not made significant change on the ground.

If Trump does that, he will invest troops, get use of locals and strategic military intelligence instead of sporadic sending battalions and missiles. That will not make the wished end game that the Syrians nor the Yemeni people deserves. That is if he cares about their lives and their future, because I doubt he cares about anyone else, than himself. Peace.

U.S. History: H.R. Haldeman note on Nixon order to “monkey wrenching” Vietnam-War Peace Negotiation (22.10.1968)

During a phone call on the night of Oct. 22, 1968, Richard M. Nixon told his closest aide (and future chief of staff) H.R. Haldeman to “monkey wrench” President Lyndon B. Johnson’s efforts to begin peace negotiations over the Vietnam War. Nixon long denied giving such an order, but Haldeman’s notes, which were quietly made public in 2007 and were recently discovered by the historian Jack Farrell, prove he was lying.

hrh-note-1962-p1hrh-note-1962-p2hrh-note-1962-p3hrh-note-1962-p4

Bill Clinton’s remarks honoring genocide survivors in Kigali, Rwanda March 25, 1998

clinton-1998-rwanda

Thank you, Mr. President. First, let me thank you, Mr. President, and Vice President Kagame, and your wives for making Hillary and me and our delegation feel so welcome. I’d also like to thank the young students who met us and the musicians, the dancers who were outside. I thank especially the survivors of the genocide and those who are working to rebuild your country for spending a little time with us before we came in here.

I have a great delegation of Americans with me, leaders of our Government, leaders of our Congress, distinguished American citizens. We’re all very grateful to be here. We thank the diplomatic corps for being here, and the members of the Rwandan Government, and especially the citizens.

I have come today to pay the respects of my Nation to all who suffered and all who perished in the Rwandan genocide. It is my hope that through this trip, in every corner of the world today and tomorrow, their story will be told; that 4 years ago in this beautiful, green, lovely land, a clear and conscious decision was made by those then in power that the peoples of this country would not live side by side in peace. During the 90 days that began on April 6, in 1994, Rwanda experienced the most extensive slaughter in this blood-filled century we are about to leave – families murdered in their homes, people hunted down as they fled by soldiers and militia, through farmland and woods as if they were animals.

From Kibuye in the west to Kibungo in the east, people gathered seeking refuge in churches by the thousands, in hospitals, in schools. And when they were found, the old and the sick, the women and children alike, they were killed – killed because their identity card said they were

Tutsi or because they had a Tutsi parent or because someone thought they looked like a Tutsi or slain, like thousands of Hutus, because they protected Tutsis or would not countenance a policy that sought to wipe out people who just the day before, and for years before, had been their friends and neighbors.

The Government-led effort to exterminate Rwanda’s Tutsi and moderate Hutus, as you know better than me, took at last a million lives. Scholars of these sorts of events say that the killers, armed mostly with machetes and clubs, nonetheless did their work 5 times as fast as the mechanized gas chambers used by the Nazis.

It is important that the world know that these killings were not spontaneous or accidental. It is important that the world hear what your. President just said: They were most certainly not the result of ancient tribal struggles. Indeed, these people had lived together for centuries before the events the President described began to unfold. These events grew from a policy aimed at the systematic destruction of a people. The ground for violence was carefully prepared, the airwaves poisoned with hate, casting the Tutsis as scapegoats for the problems of Rwanda, denying their humanity. All of this was done, clearly, to make it easy for otherwise reluctant people to participate in wholesale slaughter.

Lists of victims, name by name, were actually drawn up in advance. Today, the images of all that, haunt us all: the dead choking the Kigara River, floating to Lake Victoria. In their fate, we are reminded of the capacity for people everywhere, not just in Rwanda, and certainly not just in Africa but the capacity for people everywhere, to slip into pure evil. We cannot abolish that capacity, but we must never accept it. And we know it can be overcome.

The international community, together with nations in Africa, must bear its share of responsibility for this tragedy, as well. We did not act quickly enough after the killing began. We should not have allowed the refugee camps to become safe havens for the killers. We did not immediately call these crimes by their rightful name: genocide. We cannot change the past, but we can and must do everything in our power to help you build a future without fear and full of hope.

We owe to those who died and to those who survived who loved them, our every effort to increase our vigilance and strengthen our stand against those who would commit such atrocities in the future, here or elsewhere. Indeed, we owe to all the peoples of the world who are at risk because each bloodletting hastens the next as the value of human life is degraded and violence becomes tolerated, the unimaginable becomes more conceivable – we owe to all the people in the world our best efforts to organize ourselves so that we can maximize the chances of preventing these events. And where they cannot be prevented, we can move more quickly to minimize the horror.

So let us challenge ourselves to build a world in which no branch of humanity, because of national, racial, ethnic, or religious origin, is again threatened with destruction because of those characteristics of which people should rightly be proud. Let us work together as a community of civilized nations to strengthen our ability to prevent and, if necessary, to stop genocide.

To that end, I am directing my administration to improve, with the international community, our system for identifying and spotlighting nations in danger of genocidal violence, so that we can assure worldwide awareness of impending threats. It may seem strange to you here, especially the many of you who lost members of your family, but all over the word there were people like me sitting in offices, day after day after day, who did not fully appreciate the depth and the speed with which you were being engulfed by this unimaginable terror.

We have seen, too – and I want to say again – that genocide can occur anywhere. It is not an African phenomenon and must never be viewed as such. We have seen it in industrialized Europe; we have seen it in Asia. We must have global vigilance. And never again must we be shy in the face of the evidence.

Secondly, we must, as an international community, have the ability to act when genocide threatens. We are working to create that capacity here in the Great Lakes region, where the memory is still fresh. This afternoon in Entebbe leaders from central and eastern Africa will meet with me to launch an effort to build a coalition to prevent genocide in this region. I thank the leaders who have stepped forward to make this commitment. We hope the effort can be a model for all the world, because our sacred task is to work to banish this greatest crime against humanity.

Events here show how urgent the work is. In the northwest part of your country, attacks by those responsible for the slaughter in 1994 continue today. We must work as partners with Rwanda to end this violence and allow your people to go on rebuilding your lives and your nation.

Third, we must work now to remedy the consequences of genocide. The United States has provided assistance to Rwanda to settle the uprooted and restart its economy, but we must do more. I am pleased that America will become the first nation to contribute to the new Genocide Survivors Fund. We will contribute this year $2 million, continue our support in the years to come, and urge other nations to do the same, so that survivors and their communities can find the care they need and the help they must have.

Mr. President, to you, and to you, Mr. Vice President, you have shown great vision in your efforts to create a single nation in which all citizens can live freely and securely. As you pointed out, Rwanda was a single nation before the European powers met in Berlin to carve up Africa. America stands with you, and will continue helping the people of Rwanda to rebuild their lives and society.

You spoke passionately this morning in our private meeting about the need for grassroots efforts, for the development projects which are bridging divisions and clearing a path to a better future. We will join with you to strengthen democratic institutions, to broaden participation, to give all Rwandans a greater voice in their own governance. The challenges you face are great, but your commitment to lasting reconciliation and inclusion is firm.

Fourth, to help ensure that those who survived, in the generations to come, never again suffer genocidal violence, nothing is more vital than establishing the rule of law. There can be no place in Rwanda that lasts without a justice system that is recognized as such.

We applaud the efforts of the Rwandan Government to strengthen civilian and military justice systems. I am pleased that our Great Lakes Justice Initiative will invest $30 million to help create throughout the region judicial systems that are impartial, credible, and effective. In Rwanda these funds will help to support courts, prosecutors, and police, military justice, and cooperation at the local level.

We will also continue to pursue justice through our strong backing for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. The United States is the largest contributor to this tribunal. We are frustrated, as you are, by the delays in the tribunal’s work. As we know, we must do better. Now that administrative improvements have begun, however, the tribunal should expedite cases through group trials and fulfill its historic mission.

We are prepared to help, among other things, with witness relocation, so that those who still fear can speak the truth in safety. And we will support the war crimes tribunal for as long as it is needed to do its work, until the truth is clear and justice is rendered.

Fifth, we must make it clear to all those who would commit such acts in the future that they too must answer for their acts, and they will. In Rwanda, we must hold accountable all those who may abuse human rights, whether insurgents or soldiers. Internationally, as we meet here, talks are underway at the United Nations to establish a permanent international criminal court. Rwanda and the difficulties we have had with this special tribunal underscores the need for such a court. And the United States will work to see that it is created.

I know that in the face of all you have endured, optimism cannot come easily to any of you. Yet I have just spoken, as I said, with several Rwandans who survived the atrocities, and just listening to them gave me reason for hope. You see countless stories of courage around you every day as you go about your business here, men and women who survived and go on, children who recover the light in their eyes remind us that at the dawn of a new millennium there is only one crucial division among the peoples of the Earth. And believe me, after over 5 years of dealing with these problems, I know it is not the divisions between Hutu and Tutsi or Serb or Croatian; and Muslim and Bosnian or Arab and Jew; or Catholic and Protestant in Ireland, or black and white. It is really the line between those who embrace the common humanity we all share and those who reject it.

It is the line between those who find meaning in life through respect and cooperation and who, therefore, embrace someone to look down on, someone to trample, someone to punish and, therefore, embrace war. It is the line between those who look to the future and those who cling to the past. It is the line between those who give up their resentment and those who believe they will absolutely die if they have to release one bit grievance. It is the line between those who confront every day with a clenched fist and those who confront every day with an open hand. That is the only line that really counts when all is said and done.

To those who believe that God made each of us in His own image, how could we choose the darker road? When you look at those children who greeted us as we got off that plane today, how could anyone say they did not want those children to have a chance to have their own children, to experience the joy of another morning sunrise, to learn the normal lessons of life, to give something back to their people? When you strip it all away, whether we’re talking about Rwanda or some other distant troubled spot, the world is divided according to how people believe they draw meaning from life.

And so I say to you, though the road is hard and uncertain and there are many difficulties ahead, and like every other person who wishes to help, I doubltless will not be able to do everything I would like to do, there are things we can do. And if we set about the business of doing them together, you can overcome the awful burden that you have endured. You can put a smile on the face of every child in this country, and you can make people once again believe that they should live as people were living who were singing to us and dancing for us today. That’s what we have to believe. That is what I came here to say. And that is what I wish for you.

Thank you, and God bless you.

NOTE: The President spoke at 12:25 p.m. at Kigali Airport. In his remarks, he referred to President Pasteur Bizimungu of Rwanda and his wife, Sarafina, and Vice President Paul Kagame and his wife, Janet. A tape was not available for verification of the content of these remarks.

COPYRIGHT 1998 U.S. Government Printing Office

COPYRIGHT 2008 Gale, Cengage Learning

Secretary-General’s message to the Sixth Meeting of the States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions (07.09.2016)

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[Delivered by Ms. Mary Soliman, Acting Director, Geneva Branch, Office for Disarmament Affairs]

I am pleased to greet the Sixth Meeting of the States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions. I congratulate the Netherlands for assuming the Presidency of the Meeting and for leading its preparations. I also thank Switzerland, the host country.

Over the years, States, international organizations and civil society have worked together to establish and implement a solid legal norm prohibiting the use, development, production, acquisition, transfer or stockpiling of cluster munitions. This unity has made the Convention a success.

I congratulate Colombia, which ratified during the First Review Conference last year, as well as Cuba, Mauritius, Palau and Somalia for joining the Convention most recently, bringing the number of States parties to 100. The United Nations will continue to support all efforts aimed at the universalization of the Convention.

With the adoption of the Dubrovnik Action Plan, States parties have set an ambitious path of concrete actions and specific deadlines for the Convention’s further implementation by the Second Review Conference in 2020. Actions are to be undertaken in the crucial areas of universalization, stockpile destruction, clearance and risk reduction education, victim assistance, international cooperation and assistance, transparency and national implementation measures. Our shared hope is to achieve the destruction of additional stockpiled cluster munitions, the release of previously contaminated land for productive use and, ultimately, a reduction in the number of new victims.

Ridding the world of heinous cluster munitions is a moral and humanitarian imperative. I wish you every success as you embark on your important deliberations.

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