FAO reports on the souring food prices in the East African Countries!

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“In pastoral areas of Kenya, Somalia and southeastern Ethiopia, the widespread drought had a severe impact on pasture and water availability, and prices of livestock sharply decreased in recent months to very low levels, as livestock body conditions dramatically deteriorated. In these areas, the resulting sharp decline of terms of trade for pastoralists is severely constraining food access for large numbers of households” (FAO, P: 10, 2017).

The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations has this month released a report that assessed the prices and the issues concerning food prices in the nations around the world. This is the droughts, lack of rain and the problems occurring after the El Nino that hit the African continent. Therefore, the sad reality with the influx of issues and variables, the food markets in different nations has hit a snag and they have gone up. At levels that are worrying, as the markets they haven’t had the same rise in added income compared to the prices of staple foods. This hits the poorest the most and gives them a harder day to day, as their added prices makes the cost of living even more turbulent and hazardous than it already is.

Like the Maize and Beans prices in Kenya:

“Maize prices increased in January by 9-14 percent in most monitored markets, as the output of the short rains harvest, currently underway in eastern and coastal lowlands, was sharply reduced due to insufficient rainfall. Prices of maize in January were 20-30 percent higher than 12 months earlier in several markets, also as a result of a below-average long rains harvest, recently completed in high potential western areas of the Rift Valley. Sustained imports from neighbouring Uganda contained the increased in maize prices. In drought affected coastal counties, sharper year-on-year price increases are recorded, and in December 2016 prices of maize in Kwale, Kilifi, Lamu, Taraka Nithi and Embu counties were up to 40 percent higher than a year earlier. Prices of beans are also at high levels and in January they were up to 40 percent higher than their year-earlier levels. Most pastoral areas were affected by drought, and prices of livestock declined in recent months as animal body conditions deteriorated. For instance, in Marsabit, Mandera, Garissa and Tana River counties, prices of goats in December 2016 were 15-30 percent lower than 12 months earlier” (FAO, P: 3, 2017).

That the prices of maize had added about 20-30 percent in a year time is worrying for the region, as the Kenyan market and the current state before the elections. The Kenyan state is borrowing at a steady haste for bigger infrastructure investments, but isn’t using funds to secure the agricultural output. This is lacking initiative or use of government subsidises to secure enough production, as much as there are droughts that has hit areas, where the prices has risen as a cause of lacking output or none as the climate has deteriorating the soil. That not only Maize has risen on higher prices, also the hiking of prices of beans shows the incapacity of agricultural output in general and also securing cheap government imports.

Like the prices of Maize and Sorghum in Somalia:

“Prices of locally-produced maize and sorghum continued to soar in January as the output of the 2016/17 secondary deyr harvest was affected by a severe drought and is estimated at 25 percent of last five-year average. In Mogadishu, prices of coarse grains increased up to 35 percent. In most markets of key maize producing region of Lower Shabelle, maize prices surged in January by 32-41 percent. Overall, prices of coarse grains in January in key markets of central and southern Somalia were up to twice their levels of 12 months earlier. Prices are likely to further escalate in the coming months, as an earlier than usual stock depletion will be compounded by concerns over the performance of the 2017 gu harvest. In pastoral areas, drought caused shortages of grazing resources, with deterioration of livestock body conditions. Livestock prices sharply declined in recent months, especially in the south, and are at very low levels, up to 60 percent lower than 12 months earlier. As a result of declining livestock prices and increasing cereal prices, terms of trade for pastoralists sharply deteriorated over the last 12 months. The equivalent in maize of a medium size goat declined in Buale market from 114 kg January 2016 to just 30 kg in January 2017. The severe drought has also caused a sharp decline in milk production and surge in milk prices” (FAO, P: 5, 2017).

So Somalia who has just gone through an election, has had a heavy affected by the drought, as the grains and food production has been hit by it. As proven with the rising food prices in Mogadishu and the prices has doubled in Central and Southern Somalia, in only a year! That proves the dire food situation, as the fierce internal fighting, the federation food production combined with the military fighting together with a drought has the food markets and food productions. Therefore the citizens and farmers are the losers, as they cannot have peaceful production, lacking rains and also insecurity of their own safety. All these things combined with the uncertainty of the electorate and the new administration. The steady rise of food prices has surely hit a population that did not need another crisis.

Rising prices in South Sudan:

“In the capital, Juba, prices of sorghum and maize declined in January by 6 and 10 percent, respectively, partly as a result of the harvesting of 2016 second season crops in southern bi-modal rainfall areas, which improved the domestic supply situation. Prices of other staples, wheat flour, cassava and groundnuts, followed similar patterns. In markets located in central and northern uni-modal rainfall areas, prices of sorghum increased by 15-20 percent in December 2016 and January 2017, after having declined in previous months with the harvesting of 2016 crops. In January, food prices in nominal terms were between 2 and 4 times above their levels in January last year, due to insecurity, a tight supply situation, hyperinflation and a significant depreciation of the local currency” (FAO, P: 5, 2017).

In South Sudan the new crisis of internal battles hit, even after the long term peace-agreement was fresh and the battles that started in July 2016. The continued escalation has hit the country. South Sudan administration has been busy fighting the SPLM-IO. The SPLM-IO has also been busier fighting the SPLA/M. Therefore the engagement with trying to get people to live in peace and fresh produce to happen in the country has stopped. That together with the civil war the agricultural output has been lost with the fleeing civilians and burning villages. Therefore in this current state, the food prices rise as the lacking food stocks of internal produced are dwindling, as the state needs more import of foreign food. Not only the inflation rates of the currency, the food production has been unstable. Therefore the rising prices and the armed situation create the rise of food prices. So the stability of the nation will also secure the currency and also the agricultural output, as of now is more or less in need of food aid because of the current in-fighting and lack of government oversight. This is unhealthy and makes even the security of food into a limbo.

Rising prices of Maize in Uganda:

“Prices of maize followed a sustained upward trend in recent months, increasing in all monitored markets by 33-58 percent between August and December 2016. Subsequently, prices followed mixed trends in January, declining in the capital, Kampala, as the second season harvest increased supplies, remaining firm in Lira market, located in a major cereal producing area, and continuing to increase in Busia, a key cross-border hub with Kenya. Overall, maize prices in January were up to 75 percent higher than a year earlier and at near-record to record levels, as the upward pressure exerted on prices by a reduced second season harvest, affected by poor rainfall in southeastern parts bordering lake Victoria, was compounded by a reduced first season harvest gathered last June/July and by sustained export demand from neighbouring countries, mainly Kenya and South Sudan. In Kampala, prices of beans and cassava flour, important staples, are also at high levels, and in January they were about 25 percent higher than 12 months earlier” (FAO, P: 6, 2017).

Ugandan government has already showed lacking instruments to the current drought and the lesser output during the election and campaigning of the current leadership. This is proven now with the monetary issues that are in dire straight in republic. The proof of the rising prices as the export of maize and others to South Sudan, as the added refugees who also needs foods and are also supported aided food. The government needs to secure added food production and development of bigger yields of the staple foods. That the food prices have sky-rocketed as the region has all been hit in corridors and districts where the dried lands have killed of livestock and others. Government has showed lacking oversight and mechanism from the government has not helped the dry-lands and the aftermath. Because of this with the added strains of a cash-strapped government after a heavy-burden state after elections, has not stagnated or had initiatives to stop the growing prices of food.

Maize prices are rising also in Tanzania:

“Prices of maize continued to increase in January in all monitored markets, as production prospects for the vuli harvest, currently underway in northern and eastern bi-modal rainfall areas, are unfavourable due to poor and erratic rainfall. Further support to prices was provided by concerns over the performance of the msimu harvest, to be gathered from May in central and southern uni-modal rainfall areas, as early-season dryness affected planting operations and crop establishment. Prices of maize in January were almost twice their year-earlier levels in Arusha, located in the northeast, while they were about 25 percent higher than in January 2016 in Dar Es Salaam, the largest urban centre” (FAO, P: 6, 2017).

That President Magufuli and his party like to be the example of the East Africa. Here the Tanzanian government are delivering the same sort of levels of rising prices. The maize prices are affected by drought and the Tanzanian government also have had to take in the refugees from other nations of late. This together with the less rainfall has pushed the prices on maize in Tanzania. Certainly the prices that doubled shows signs of lacking agricultural output and less yields as the rains and drought has happen during the last 12 month.

The numbers of rising food prices together with the lacking yields shows the worrying signs of lesser rain and longer dry seasons. This all hurt the citizens and the customers in the central regions or in urban areas who buys the foods from the agricultural districts, as much as the violence and the crisis in South Sudan and long term effects of the civil war in Somalia. This happens after the drought and other political issues, together with little efforts to add the yields, shows in the rising prices of staple foods. So now the people have to pay more for the same food they would have bought last year, in some places not only 20% added, but up to double or tripled. This is certainly added strains on the personal economy of the citizens in these nations. Peace.

Reference:

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) – ‘Food Price Monitoring and Analysis – Bulletin’ (14.02.2017)

#ThisFlag: “Back to the issues. The dreams of our youths have been stolen and we need to salvage those dreams somehow” (Footage)

Kenya: Potential U.S. Military sale to Kenya in support of the fight against terrorism (18.02.2017)

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South Sudan: Col. LLB Khalid Ono Loki resigns from SPLA – “There may be times when are powerless to prevent injustice but here must never be a time when we fail to protest” (17.02.2017)

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Burundi: Cour Penale International les Avocats du Collectif des Victimes envolent leur dossier de pieces a la Cour Penale Internationale (17.02.2017)

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Mbabazi is all of a sudden in the wind!

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in the wind: to disappear, unable to be found” (Urban Dictionary)

He has been the shadow and the loyal subject under the National Resistance Movement and as one of the men has followed President Museveni for decades, until his demise and his lost position of both Secretary General of the NRM-O and the Prime Minister post. Before that he had been a minister and also a long-serving member of the Movement.

Amama Mbabazi went from being the next in line to being an outcast. He tried to become the flag-bearer and presidential candidate in the Movement, but they wouldn’t relieve or give way for anyone else then three decades running president. So he was left out of the party, even as his membership still was there. Still, with that the The Democratic Alliance (TDA) allowed him and Gilbert Bukenya to stand as Presidential Candidates. Mbabazi achieved it with fielding the opposition parties and get Besigye to abandon the Opposition alliance. Therefore there was to major opposition candidates against Museveni. Both of them former allies and close knit in the Movement.

Besigye was the offensive and strong candidate, the man who gained the people and got the crowds that showed his popularity. Mbabazi started strong, but didn’t have the same amounts, but Besigye had been running many times before against Museveni, Mbabazi was a first time against his former boss. Mbabazi got to taste tear-gas, lose his allies, get supporters detained and even getting harassed by the police force for holding preliminary rallies. The reality of the code of conduct that the Movement has had for decades was something now the Mbabazi – Go Forward got to taste.

The sour and bitter taste of getting on the side-line of the Movement, getting their treatment and their recognition, the only attempt of some peaceful transition and smear of democratic behaviour was letting the Election Petition from the Amama Mbabazi legal team getting accepted even as it entered the Constitutional Court close to 30 minutes over the deadline. The rest was well rigged and malnourished to fix Museveni another term. Keep up, business as usual.

Mbabazi has after the election had meetings with the President, with many suggestions and wondering how come. I don’t really pound on that, as he was even pragmatic at the Presidential Debates of still being member of the Movement, while still running as an own flag-bearer in the TDA/Go-Forward outfit. Therefore I had giant issues that he run as an opposition, but still was a member of the ruling party. That doesn’t make sense and doesn’t seem reasonable.

So the NRM member was running on Opposition ticket. Seems foolish right that Norbert Mao and others accepted that request and dignified his approach? But, when darkness has been running for so long, a leaf of hope can resurrect a forest? Well, Amama Mbabazi didn’t run circles around Museveni. He just tangoed and made sure to make a good public figure.

His approach was more use cool designs, try to be a populist politician and hope he took some of the crowds of long-serving opposition. He really didn’t reinvent much or even sell his story strong, because who remember what sort of campaign the Go Gorward Group and allies did run on? I do not remember a single thing of what he did really stand for or what was his grand mission?

 

Mbabazi went underground or silent, nearly a visible character or public figure, as he wants a relief of public dedication behind him. Still, the rumoured visit or meetings with Museveni, proves that Mbabazi really never left, but was more of staged paradigm. You can wonder if he will have the same fate as Bukenya, suddenly be offered a senior position inside the NRM-O?

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So that he can be compensated and silenced, not telling stories of old or even scorns the world with the realities of the inner-workings of the Movement. Since he is still paid by the Movement, he will not talk or disobey the President. Even if Museveni did scalp his ambition, and his dream of achieving, the executive position of Uganda. Certainly, the TDA was not built or had the machinery to conquer the movement-based Electoral Commission, neither was the quickly built organization around the Go Forward. Mbabazi wasn’t prepared with party apparatus to counter the Movement. The FDC had 10 years of building a party, Go Forward was months old and not allowed to hold preliminary meetings.

Mbabazi’s attempt was flawed, but dire as the proof of the invalid execution of NRM-O and Museveni who doesn’t care, because he is the only man with a vision. Mbabazi didn’t have his vision, since Mbabazi is Mbabazi and not Museveni. That is simplistic, but still a fact.

Mbabazi as long as he is a NRM-O member, an insider who is partly outcast, because of his wish of higher public office and that he wanted to take his masters place. President Museveni would not accept to lose his place and be succeeded. Succession has never been in the works of the NRM-O or the ruling regime, so that Amama Mbabazi thought he would exchange the current leader was failing from the beginning. The reason behind why Besigye had to start on his own on the outside of the Movement; the same Mbabazi was doing.

So what is up next is in the vision of Mbabazi and if he want to risk his lavish house, as he lost one of his cars as his place in parliament went away after the election. What else of Parliamentary perks he has lost is certainly a few. Other investments or ownership is only known by him and the movement, as Mbabazi wasn’t the most frugal MP. Mbabazi was known for his corrupt and grafting ability while being in power. So his wealth is built on agreements and his close-knitted community while being inside the Movement. Therefore he must know a lot that Museveni doesn’t want out. Therefore as long he is silent, he doesn’t have to fear, but if he would talk or release the intelligence, even if he would drop knowledge on certain older scandals, he could damage the Movement more.

Still, with his membership and dialogue with Museveni. Show’s that Mbabazi even though not official part of the leadership anymore in the ruling regime. Isn’t totally out of the picture or out of the elite, he is just silent relief.

So what do you think Mbabazi is up to and scheming? Is he done as political figure or will he brought into the NRM-O again? Peace.

Kenya: ODM statement on the disruption of the Turkana Rally (17.02.2017)

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ODM party condemns in the strongest terms the actions of the hired youth who disrupted an ODM peaceful rally in Turkana this afternoon. Kenya is a democracy and all Kenyans have the right to assemble and rally.

Kenyans are struggling with an ever rising national debt, unprecedented levels of corruption, a broken national security system and an electoral infrastructure that exposes us to divisions, hence the actions of the hired youth shows that the Jubilee government is not interested in the welfare of Kenyans.

ODM will and shall continue advocating for the rights of Kenyans in the different platforms and continue to address issues of Kenyans.

Sen (Dr) Agnes Zani
SG, ODM

Video of Prequel to the Turkana Rally:

South Africa National Treasury statement on Competition Commission finding on the Banks (16.02.2017)

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Government of Uganda Position on Burundian Refugees (17.02.2017)

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Senior United Nations Human Rights Official Condemns Deplorable Rights Situation in South Sudan, Calls for Perpetrators to be Held to Account (17.02.2017)

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During his visit, Gilmour also travelled to Malakal, where he received further information concerning the suffering of the civilian population in the area.

GENEVA, Switzerland, February 17, 2017 – At the end of a four-day visit to South Sudan, the United Nations Assistant Secretary-General for human rights, Andrew Gilmour, called for those committing  atrocity crimes in the country to be held accountable.

“This is a war that has been waged against the men, women and children of South Sudan,” he said. “And the only way of ending this onslaught will be when the perpetrators face consequences for what they are doing.”

Gilmour held meetings in Juba with the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, the Minister of Information, the Chief of General Staff of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, the Director General of the National Security Service, representatives of the South Sudan Human Rights Commission, local authorities, religious leaders, United Nations and humanitarian partners, as well as non-governmental organizations, victims and civil society actors.

During his visit, Gilmour also travelled to Malakal, where he received further information concerning the suffering of the civilian population in the area.

“Although this is the fourth time I’ve been in South Sudan since 2011, I wasn’t prepared for the shocking devastation I witnessed in Malakal and even more by the clear pattern of systematic human rights violations and abuses suffered by the population,” Gilmour said.

He was informed of the appalling risks that women, now living under UN protection, are forced to take in order to be able to earn even the most meagre livelihood. When leaving the United Nations Mission in South Sudan protection of civilians site, they have been frequently subjected to rape by militias and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army on their route to the market in Malakal town. Rape and gang rape is present in the testimonies of numerous women in the area, though this was categorically denied by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army  Division Commander with whom Gilmour spoke.

“It is utterly abhorrent that women in this area have to choose between getting raped or getting a livelihood,” Gilmour said, “But this seems the brutal reality of what South Sudan has become.”
In March 2016, the United Nations human rights office issued a detailed report which documents the horrendous patterns of sexual violence in the country.  The report can be read here.
In his meetings with the authorities in Juba, Gilmour raised concerns about the unspeakable human rights situation throughout the territory. He urged the authorities to combat the worrying rise of hate speech and to do more to protect human rights defenders.

In his meeting with the Chief of General Staff of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army, General Paul Malong, Gilmour emphasized the severe restrictions on access that the United Nations Mission in South Sudan faces when trying to protect civilians, provide humanitarian assistance and monitor the human rights situation in the country.

He stressed his concern that elements of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army had engaged in what could well amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. On the other hand he welcomed the recent start of United Nations human rights training for the Sudan People’s Liberation Army and the appointment of its focal points on conflict related sexual violence.

“Of course we know that until there’s peace in South Sudan, human rights will continue to be trampled,” the Assistant Secretary-General said. “But even during war, one can fight without routinely committing such needless acts of cruelty. And this is what we are calling on all parties – government and opposition – to do.”

Gilmour urged the Director General of the National Security Service to put an end to the practice of arbitrary and prolonged detention without charge, bring detainee before the courts, and allow them access to their lawyers and family.

He underlined to the Government authorities the absolute need to avoid reprisals and threats against human rights defenders who have cooperated with the United Nations. In this connection, he drew attention to a specific incident last September in which human rights defenders were threatened following the visit of the United Nations Security Council.