This is my 2.0. It’s a 2015 Edition. I wrote a piece that I use a long time on and the books I had read to fit into prove how the Government of Uganda and the NRM-Regime had failed their marquee program. Their famous Ten-Point Program. I wrote a piece that I posted in 2014 with what we can call little older and scattered information. This here right now will be based on what has happen in 2015 and the situation right now economical and development that has happen in the recent year. The other one had far-far and old date material and reports. This here is fresh (for now) in two years’ time this here will also be old, but since this election season, I had to make regenerating this. Point by Point look that the situation and shortly discuss them. I know for the die-hard NRM and Musevenist. This is just pure hog-wash even if you can see the painting on the wall; you will still deflect the issues that are there. NRM-Regime has had the opportunity to make these changes and give Uganda and its citizens what it ought to have. What the opposition and civil society asks for and question the leadership; and regime about. Instead there are other reactions to this. But instead of me just writing small-talk let you read the findings.
The sole candidacy of YKM in the NRM proves that there are not democratic institutions YET; and the NRM Primaries have made Uganda famous for Pre-Ticket Ballot-Papers and stuffed ballot-boxes. Also with the sole candidates of Evelyn Anite and Sam Kutesa didn’t have competitors in their respectable voting districts these NRM primaries. So if you want to restore Democracy and you still lives by the possibilities of having election which is rigged and have single candidates, then it’s not really an election, but a sad exercise of necessity and not to get the once who supposed to represent the members of the NRM-Party. When the ruling party can’t act democratic and have free and fair elections, how can they make that happen in 2016? They still haven’t achieved this point. Proving this point that they haven’t achieved it is with the constantly detaining of opposition leaders and keeping them in house arrest, or even preventative arrests. Also using the POMA law to disorganize the Opposition parties and their campaigning while the UPF is steady on to destroy their work in the districts and fields. Throwing activists in jail without trial and letting them pay heavy bonds. This is not a look or proves that the system is still based on the NRM-Regime and their elite, even inner-party members has been jailed for supporting Amama Mbabazi instead of supporting Yoweri Museveni.
This point is not yet valid.
Reports today because a man supports wrong part of the NRM:
“Davis Akampurira lost his premolar tooth last night when he was beaten intensely after being kidnapped by “state operatives”. The reason given was that the buffoons had gathered intelligence of him being funded by Amama Mbabazi to fight the state and son of Minister Bright Rwamirama….Mwinempaka. We who sent Davis has told him to come independent” (Reported by Meta Moses, 02.11.2015).
The Fautima Zaina incident shows that the security of the people is not withhold in the country when the police manhandle her like they did. Also the Way the police carries themselves with tear-gas and shootings during the Western rallies of the FDC in October. And this has been thread that has kept going the entire calendar of 2015 and sure will happen until the election in February of 2016. So the security personnel and police is not securing peace for the people, but making fuzz and generating violence because the Opposition parties try to do their program in the country.
We have the all of sudden Police detaining Norman Thumuhimbise of the Jobless Brotherhood when he was taken by the police in the night in Kampala by the Flying Squad, without any court order or official paperwork just suddenly taken in August and after a few days he returned after family requests for his release.
Another example is also Vincent Kaggwa was taken by the Police in July this year and was released a few days later from an undisclosed location. He is one of the supporters of the Amama Mbabazi ticket at the time he was wearing a T-shirt with his name and face. Apparently the NRM Youth Leader had done enough to be detained and taken away with no court order for no reason at the time and released a few days later.
When it comes to the property it has been issues with that this year. The government has not withheld the level of trust between land and persons. One of this is the Palm Oil Plantation on the Island of Kalangala Land used for that purpose and to for the local farmers. The others main issues is the Amuru land grab in Apaa Village where the land is taken for hunting grounds and sold without the local agreement from central government. Also the Sugar Factory built by Kakira Sugar Works which is owned by the Madhvani Group who got allocation of 40, 000 hectares of land in the Western part of Amuru District.
This proves that in 2015 the security of all Ugandans is not yet there, especially if you’re not a part of the NRM-Regime or the NRM elite. Then you are free for all for the UPF and other organizations to take advantage of. Even NRM’s own can be taken and become felons because of their allegiance to somebody else than Museveni.
The land grabs proves that the property isn’t withhold to the people of the area, the bigness of the Kalangala and Amuru is massive, also with the government sale of land without consultation or consideration of the public and citizens, but seems that the only thing matters is the cash coming from corporations and investors from afar.
Another point that is also not valid.
Some historical background from the 1960:
“Britain’s goal in Uganda has been to establish a fully democratic parliamentary system which would fit the country for internal self-government in a short time. British Colonial Secretary Ian Macleod opened a new Legislative Council on Sept. 18, but the “parliament” was boycotted by Mutesa II, 34-year-old, Cambridge-educated Kabaka (king) of Buganda. Buganda has its own Lukiko (legislative council), which voted on Sept. 24 in favor of secession from Uganda. However, the Kabaka’s court has not yet approved the vote. Because the Kabaka’s government is by far the strongest political force in Uganda, it is in position to block development of a strong central government” (…)”A statement by Buganda authorities last Feb. 12 asserted that they had “always advocated a federal form of government for Uganda.” They distrusted the trend toward a “unitary form of government” which might endanger Buganda’s “traditional institutions.” The Kabaka, who is a god-king to 1.7 million of Uganda’s 5.8 million people, has been fighting a delaying action against changes which threaten to undermine his ancient feudal powers, Milton Obote, leader of the Uganda People’s Congress, most powerful of Uganda nationalist movements, has labeled the Kabaka’s court “reactionary.” (…)”Britain’s insistence that Uganda have a strong unitary government has given the Ankolo, Bunyoro and Toro tribes, as well as the Kabaka, an issue on which they are united—tribalism. Strong tribal allegiance and the resulting preference for federalism are not confined to Buganda. Tribal chiefs fear that the nationalist parties, such as Obote’s, will undermine their chiefdoms. But the smaller tribes are suspicious of the Kabaka and refuse to accept his leadership in any form” (Blumenfeld, 1960).
“The office of the Supreme Mufti has disassociated itself from what it has described as unprincipled call for unity by the leaders at Old Kampala. This is after the leadership of the Uganda Muslim Supreme Council organized a national unity prayer session slated for Friday at the Old Kampala mosque. However, the spokesperson of the Kibuli sect Sheikh Hassan Kirya has told journalists at a news conference held at Kibuli mosque that the spiritual status and integrity of the people behind this move is suspect especially with regard to their conduct towards fellow Muslims. Sheikh Kirya is instead asking that the council addresses the root cause of disunity” (Ageno, 2015).
Museveni said this to the Muslim community this year:
“Currently, Uganda’s life expectancy is 58 but the Sheikh has died at 83. Even at that age, he was still very strong, especially mentally. His death is a big blow to the Muslim community and his efforts to unite the Muslim community in Uganda” (…)”We have arrested many people who have been killing Muslim sheikhs and those who are still on the run shall be arrested” (…)”What divided us (Muslims) was lack of transparency in the custodianship of our property. But all we need is unity among Muslims” (Kafeero & Bwire, 2015).
Museveni said this year:
“Am glad that NRM is able to maintain peace supported by you people. The population of Uganda has gone up. I urge you to support and maintain this peace” (Statehouse, 2015).
““We used these venues to enlighten the people. Uganda had had the challenge of not knowing what to do within the political leadership,” adding that those ideological meetings took place in Bulambe and Kangave in Luwero district and at Bukatira in Nakaseke district.
Mr. Museveni who was accompanied by his wife, Mrs. Janet Museveni, noted that during the 1950s and 1960s, people were misled along sectarian considerations based mainly on religion and tribes. He was, however, pleased to remind the gathering that the country has now managed to foster stronger national unity because of the viable Government of the country. He used the occasion to introduce the Chairmen of the various organs that were in leadership during the struggle in the Luweero area. He also paid special tribute to Rev. Fr. Ssesanga who took the President’s mother from the area to Nairobi and ensured her security during the liberation war. Mr. Museveni paid tribute to his wife, Mrs. Janet Museveni, for looking after their children when he was actively engaged in the struggle. In the same vein, he thanked Mrs. Gertrude Njuba and Mrs. Olive Zizinga who took care of his meals at the critical time during the struggle” (Mediacentre, 2015).
And his NRM Party:
“Promotion of national unity and guarding against the resurgence of all forms of sectarianism. Implementing programs geared towards the socio-economic transformation of society, such as providing a healthy environment for industrialization and job creating through public and private investments. This is in line with the strategy of building an independent, integrated and self-sustaining national economy. However, the strategy is largely private sector led” (NRM, 2015).
The NRM has done more for the National Unity and has made an effort for the kingdoms to reconcile, even if there been issues like recent years like between the Baganda Kingdom and the Ankoli. Or the Bunyoro with their land and Tororo after the fall of Gadaffi which supposable gave less power to kingdom after this, then you have the fiefdom of Busoga which haven’t gotten much credit from the National Unity work. So the NRM has done something good here I got to confess, though I am sure that the Northerners feels left out after the institutions are stronger in Bunyoro, Baganda and Tororo, and not in Acholiland, Karamoja and so on. There are things to work on to continue to make a clear national Unity.
This one is a close achievement though the killings of Muslim clerics and the miss of certain areas of the country; half not passed and half verified point.
“The contractual fundamentals enshrined in the Ten-point Programme and promise of a fundamental change that was already exhibited in the discipline of the triumphant rag-tag NRA guerrilla fighters instilled an unprecedented sense of relief and confidence. Ugandans envisioned the end to state-orchestrated wanton murders; the end of the culture of political violence, torture, arbitrary arrests, the repressive modus operandi, and above all, the opportunity to freely elect and peacefully change their leadership. It was considered a dawn of a new era. The exceptions were the people of Northern Uganda region, where the defeated armies regrouped and waged an extended war led by Alice Lakwena and Joseph Kony. Internationally, Museveni’s conversion to neo-liberalism earned him Western acclaim of a ‘unique visionary, charismatic leader’ and primus inter pares of the ‘new breed’ of African leaders (Oloka-Onyango 2004; Kjaer 2004)” (Asiimwe, 2014).
“The eventual opening of political space was a protracted process whose landmark was the November 2004 Constitutional Court ruling against some sections of the Political Parties and Organisations Act (PPOA). The Court pinpointed the unconstitutional infringement of some PPOA sections on fundamental civil and political rights, for instance, freedom of association and assembly. With the opening, new political parties emerged. The Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), a merger of the Parliamentary anti-third term group (PAFO) and Dr Kiiza Besigye’s Reform Agenda that contested the 2001 presidential elections, was the most prominent of the new parties. Traditional parties like DP and UPC considered FDC as a credible and trusted party, and forged a common working relationship with it under the G6 framework. Establishment of grassroots networks and infrastructure was not smooth for parties like the FDC. The NRM had an elaborate village to District level Local Council system that combined administrative functions with championing grassroots Movement interests. This was overseen by political appointees like Chief Administration Officials (CAO), security operatives and Movement cadres. Additionally, the police served the establishment, and para-military units like the Kalangala Action Plan were reminiscent of the old-time UPC’s National Security Agency (NASA). This elaborate apparatus aimed at weakening competing political parties through a combination of indirect and direct strategies like co-option, harassment, sabotage, repression or even elimination. Claims of sabotage were made, for instance, in Gulu, Hoima, Masindi and Kisoro (The New Vision 9 August 2005; The New Vision 27 June 2005; The New Vision 18 July 2005)” (Asiimwe, 2014).
The lands are peaceful but the oppression is making it less of peace as seen how they goes against the Opposition leaders and their parties. So there are issues that does destruct the picture of what the NRM-Regime really has done, because their hinges to power now destroy what they have built while trying to underscore their competitors in the political landscape.
This point is half made and half not.
From FY2006/2007 it was Domestic Debt and Outstanding(DoD) was US$1.47 billion. And in FY 2013/2014 had risen to US$4.3 billion (MTDS, P: 13, 2015).
Government expenditure is on an average to be 20.9% of the GDP for the FY 2014/2015. In the 2015/2016 it is 21.7% of the GDP. The main expenditure for the budget is the infrastructure projects like the upgrading of Entebbe International Airport, Hydro Power projects and Albertine Regional Airport. The total cost for the projects is US$7.0 Billion. There is set to be 5% target for the inflation rate and the exchange rate is set for 12.1% in FY 2015/2016 and average for 2.4% the rest of the years for the medium term (MTDS P: 17-18).
That the total debt-to-GDP from the current level of 28.6% by the end of June 2014, if the end of the time it might end up with 50% level by 2020. This is because of substantial projected increases the fiscal deficit. With the worst strategy the interest rate can go from 1.4% in June 2014 to become 4% in 2020 (MTDS, P: 24, 2015).
Point 5 is not valid. The scary numbers are the reason why!
(Republic of Uganda May 2015).
They have started and even officially started to loan money for the restoration together with the major national programmes like National Development Program II and Vision 2040.
So this point is not valid!
Here are a few cases from the recent year that proves that elimination is far from the surface and eliminated with corruption in the public life. There is so many cases but here is a few!
Mukono-Katosi Road Scandal:
“A significant amount of evidence supports the view that the incidence of grand corruption in Uganda has increased over recent years. Recent cases involving the embezzlement of public funds suggest the effectiveness of state institutions in monitoring government programs is limited. Recent examples of cases of grand corruption include the fraudulent procurement of a contractor for the Mukono-Katosi road and subsequent advancement of UGX 24 billion to nonexistent contractor to kick-start the road construction in 2014; of UGX 205 billion through the national identity card system scam in 2011; and of UGX 58 billion lost in the OPM in 2012, among others” (Inspectorate of Government P: 33, 2014).
“The Anti-Corruption Court yesterday convicted six MTN staff after they were found guilty of illegally gaining access to the mobile money system and wired cash amounting to more than Shs3 billion to various money agent lines that they shared thereafter” (PCTech Magazine, 2015).
“In November 2014, five officials of the Uganda Wildlife Authority were suspended after almost 1.5 tons of ivory worth more than $1 million vanished from a government store room. In response, the minister for tourism suspended the Uganda Wildlife Authority’s executive director, Andrew Seguya. But he returned to office just a few months later” (Athumani, 2015).
“A Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA) official was last Friday quizzed over billions of shillings on his personal account, yet his official salary was only Shs5m a month” (Kasozi, 2015).
Recent in Kampala:
“The last time men posing as immigration officials showed up at Wei Kun’s shoe store in the Ugandan capital of Kampala, the Chinese trader forked out $1,000 in bribes to prevent his business from being shuttered” (…)”Perspective traders must provide evidence of $100,000 in planned investment, language skills and obtain the necessary trade licenses _ or pay off the right people” (Canadian Press, 2015)
This point is far of chart that I have to say it super-un-valid!
Check again the Point number 2 since the answer is there on the land grabs and the issues it has, especially with the situation in Amuru and Adjumani districts with the allocation of land for Sugar Works Factory and hunting grounds in Apaa Village. Also with the land grab for the development project or building the Palm Oil plantations on Kalangala Island. The issue in Northern Uganda ends also up with those staying in the camps that Internally Displaced Persons are not getting a piece of land to settle down and get a livelihood after the long trial with droughts and wars in the area.
This one is too damn easy, not valid before the IDPs get a piece of land and not business men getting giant plots for their business and pleasure. As the Government of Uganda has to fix the issues of giving their citizens their land and plots; and also finding the place for development, but there is also the issue of listening to the Local Councils, Chief’s and MPs to find a significant way of doing it, instead of shuffling over them.
In the recent year the UPDF the Ugandan army has been in the South Sudan, Central African Republic and Somalia. In the Central African Republic they are still hunting for the LRA on mandate from the UN and the same with the Army troops in Somalia in the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).
The one in South Sudan:
“John Ken-Lukyamuzi, who is the leader of the opposition Conservative Party in the national parliament, further said the deployment of the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) in South Sudan was a violation of international law” (…)”The lawmaker further said there was no evidence indicating the official invitation of UPDF by South Sudan president Salva Kiir, saying president Museveni failed to provide the invitation letter to parliament when inquired to produce it. However, Uganda government on many occasions alleged that its troops were invited by president Salva Kiir (Sudan Tribue, 2015).
“Uganda plans to send more than 240 of its health workers to the Caribbean despite criticism and the threat of an aid cut” (…)”Officials have said the scheme is merely part of Uganda’s bilateral cooperation with Trinidad and Tobago, from which Uganda has also benefited – with aid such as oil and gas industry training and financial support for its police” (Al Jazeera, 2015).
“HUMAN rights activists from various civil society organisations have refuted the recently signed labour agreement between Uganda and Saudi Arabia to employ graduates as domestic workers, arguing that it is modern day slavery” (…)”“The government does not seem to be bothered about where these people are going to work, but rather to let go of them,” Ndifuna said” (Muhindo, 2015).
The military does certainly something positive abroad if they follow the international mandates from African Union and United Nations, but the ones they went in to without a mandate that was in South Sudan. In the midst of the year with the turmoil and demonstrations towards the third term in Burundi became part of the mediation team between CNDD-FDD and the opposition. The opposition felt that the NRM-Regime and their men had a loyalty to their friends in the government and not discuss in the matter towards a gentle agreement between the parts.
So parts of this point they actually do well, with the armies for the mandates, but the none mandates and how they have agreements to send people to other countries to earn quick money and not secure themselves. So it doesn’t seem they do it for generating Human Rights or Democratic values, more to gain money for the government.
Half Point is cleared and half point is not.
“Given the scale of investments required under NDPII, there is need to have close cooperation between the public and private sectors in form of public-private sector partnerships (PPP)” (…) “Government has already embarked on promoting and encouraging PPP in various forms for the smooth implementation of NDPII. Legislation towards formulating laws for PPPs is also in advanced stages. The forms that PPPs usually take include joint ventures between the Government and private sector entity/ies where both may contribute financial resources, Build, Operate and Transfer (BOT), Build, Own, Operate and Transfer (BOOT), Build, Own and Operate (BOO) and Concessions” (P: 153).
““The Uganda National Roads Authority (UNRA) is the implementing agency for the planned KAMPALA JINJA TOLL EXPRESSWAY. It will link the capital with the important industrial area of Jinja. Past plans have been for four to six lanes for the 77-kilometre road. Cost estimates have also varied from USD 700 million to USD 1 billion. There are reports that the ministry of transport will be floating a USD 1 billion Public-Private-Partnership (PPP) tender and that the International Finance Corporation (IFC) will be the lead financial adviser. Construction could commence in 2015 with commissioning in 2020. COMESA has declared it to be a priority Project that is an important component of the Mombasa-Kampala – Kigali northern corridor” (APA, 2014).
“Uganda Registration services Bureau (URSB) has today entered into an MoU with National Social Security Fund (NSSF) to enable information/data sharing on companies registered with URSB and bio-data for NSSF members” (…)”The Partnership with NSSF isn’t the first for URSB, because earlier partnerships have already bore fruits. Together with KCCA and URA, URSB is running a TREP project, which has seen the organization register many business names in Kampala, and has now devised plans to roll out to the countryside beyond Kampala” (…)”Other Partnerships with UIA and Posta Uganda have seen URSB centers housed within the two institutions, a move that has eventually reduced congestion at the URSB head office and also saved peoples’ time and costs on transport to reach the URSB head office for registration services” (Minbane, 2015).
They have achieved this one, but at a price of exhilarating the prices for public building by having the Public-Private Partnerships which leads to higher levels, MoUs and contracts from constructions companies and the Government of Uganda.
This here is a valid point.
Point 1: Not Valid.
Point 2: Not Valid.
Point 3: Half not passed and the other half passed.
Point 4: Half not passed and the other half passed.
Point 5: Not Valid.
Point 6: Not Valid.
Point 7: Not Valid.
Point 8: Not Valid.
Point 9: Half not passed and the other half passed.
Point 10: Valid Point.
Totally 2, 5 Points out of 10 in 29 years is not impressed! There is always easy to write visions, talk about wish to develop the organizations and country. NRM-Regime has had the time to build and rebuild the country. The NRM-Regime have had opportunities to deal with this program and achieve it, instead they have lost focus and turned into a crony elite who self-serves instead of serving the citizens. That is supposed to vital to any government to give services and reforms to build society to a better place. NRM-Regime has gone away from their core-principals. Therefore you can easily see that they haven’t tried hard to fulfil their Ten-Point Program. Peace!
PS: If this isn’t enough for you?
Read my old one:
Ageno, Catherine – ‘Supreme Mufti Kayongo rejects “Unity” Prayers’ (27.01.2015) link: http://kfm.co.ug/news/supreme-mufti-kayongo-rejects-unity-prayers.html
Africa Project Access (APA) – ‘Africa Project Newsletter: Issue 234’ (Nov. 2014) link: https://www.wko.at/Content.Node/service/aussenwirtschaft/NEWSLETTER-234-November-2014.pdf
Al Jazeera – ‘Uganda to send medics abroad despite aid-cut threat’ (16.03.2015) link: http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/03/uganda-send-medics-aid-cut-threat-150316125448282.html
Asiimwe, Godfrey B –‘Of Fundamental Change and No Change: Pitfalls of Constitutionalism and Political Transformation in Uganda, 1995-2005 – Article in the Africa Development, Vol. XXXIX, No. 2, 2014, pp. 21 – 46 © Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, 2014 (ISSN 0850-3907)
Athumani, Halima – ‘Corruption worsens an already devastating illegal wildlife trade in Uganda’ (10.07.2015) link: http://www.pri.org/stories/2015-07-10/corruption-worsens-already-devastating-illegal-wildlife-trade-uganda
Blumenfeld, F. (1960). Tribalism and nationalism in Africa. Editorial research reports 1960 (Vol. II). Washington, DC: CQ Press. Retrieved from http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/cqresrre1960110200
Canadian Press – ‘Despite bribery and corruption Chinese retailers grow in Uganda’ (23.06.2015) link: http://www.stockhouse.com/news/newswire/2015/06/23/despite-bribery-and-corruption-chinese-retailers-grow-uganda#M7hQi3pkd1JUhqeC.99
Kafeero, Stephen & Bwire, John – ‘Museveni calls for Muslim unity’ (18.04.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Museveni–calls–Muslim–unity/-/688334/2689182/-/y2hs43/-/index.html
Kasozi, Ephrahaim – ‘UNRA official quizzed over Shs1b on personal account’ (02.11.2015) link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/UNRA-official-quizzed-over-Shs1b-on-personal-account/-/688334/2938914/-/xrpcno/-/index.html
Mediacentre – ‘President Commends Fighters’ Role During the 5-year Liberation Struggle’ (08.02.2015) link: http://www.mediacentre.go.ug/press-release/president-commends-fighters%E2%80%99-role-during-5-year-liberation-struggle#sthash.HaQo8OZK.dpuf
Minbane – ‘Press Release on signing of a MOU between the URSB and NSSF (28.08.2015) link: https://minbane.wordpress.com/2015/08/29/press-release-on-signing-of-a-mou-between-the-ursb-and-nssf-28-08-2015/
Muhindo, Clare – ‘Human rights activists contest Uganda-Saudi labour pact’ (14.07.2015) link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/670932-human-rights-activists-contest-uganda-saudi-labour-pact.html
NRM – ‘NRM Mission is to transform Uganda into a Modern Prosperous society’ (02.10.2015) link: https://www.nrm.ug/media/nrm-mission-transform-uganda-modern-prosperous-society
Inspectorate of Government (IG) & Economic Policy Research Center (EPRC): Tracking Corruption Trends in Uganda – Using data tracking mechanism – Annual Fourth Report 2014.
Statehouse – ‘President urges West Nile on maintaining peace, unity, and household income projects’ (20.07.2015) link: http://www.statehouse.go.ug/media/news/2015/07/20/president-urges-west-nile-maintaining-peace-unity-and-household-income-project
Sudan Tribune – ‘Ugandan lawmaker describes UPDF mission in South Sudan as illegal’ (10.04.2015) link: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article54577
Republic of Uganda/Directorate of Debt & Cash Management – Ministry of Financing, Planning & Economic Development: ‘Medium Term Debt Management Strategy’ (MTDS): 2015/2016 -2019/2020 (April 2015).
Republic of Uganda – Report of the Committee on National Economy on the proposal by Government to borrow SDR 34 Million (US 50, 2 Million) from the International Fund for Agricultural Development for Financing the Programme for Restoration of Livelihoods in Northern Uganda (MAY, 2015)
Republic of Uganda – ‘SECOND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PLAN 2015/16 – 2019/20 (NDPII): “A Transformed Ugandan Society from a Peasant to a Modern and Prosperous Country within 30 years”.
PCTech Magazine – ‘Former MTN Uganda Staff get 9 years’ jail for Mobile Money fraud’ (28.04.2015) link: http://pctechmag.com/2015/04/anti-corruption-court-convicts-six-mtn-staff-over-shs3b-fraud/
Your Excellency, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, President of The Republic of Uganda; Your Excellencies, Members of the Diplomatic Corps; My Lord Bishops; Obuganda:
We are greatly honoured to have in our midst, His Excellency Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, President of The Republic of Uganda; and all the guests from inside and outside Buganda and Uganda to remember the storming of the Lubiri by Uganda Army troops on the morning of 24th May, 1966.
Let me begin by once again congratulating President Museveni on his victory in the presidential elections which were concluded recently. Mr. President, may the Lord guide you as you steer the ship of state to greater peace, stability and development.
Your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, I decided to remember the 24th May because it is of great significance to my family, Buganda and Uganda. The events of that fateful day changed our lives as a family and the lives of the Baganda and Ugandans in a fundamental way and many of us are still trying to come to terms with the changes the events of 24th May 1966 brought about.
I thank the Lord for having enabled my father, the late Ssekabaka Mutesa II and some of his aides, for having successfully fought their way from the burning palace to safety. We should remember the clergy at Lubaga for the hospitality they offered my father at his greatest hour of need and for assisting him to escape to safety. I thank his loyal subjects who assisted him on his long march to freedom. I thank the British government who agreed to accept him as a refugee and all those who supported him and comforted him in the loneliness of his London exile.
Let us remember all those who stood by him and fought by his side and died at the hands of the Uganda Army of which he was Commander-in-Chief; Let us remember all those who were imprisoned and tortured; Let us remember all those who lost their loved ones and those that had to live in constant fear of the authorities and those who were traumatised by the violence unleashed by the authorities.
This is a very sad chapter in the history of our country but we cannot skip it, because there are lessons to be learned from it that can greatly contribute to the building of a peaceful and united Uganda.
On that fateful day the Lubiri, embodiment of Kiganda culture and traditions and the very soul of Buganda went up in flames and brought to a halt almost 1000 years of history. For once in her long history Buganda was without a King. She became an ant-hill without the queen ant. We never lost hope that one day our cultural integrity as Baganda would be restored and we thank God that, that integrity which we craved and cherish was restored in 1993.
The Baganda cannot continue to mourn indefinitely for what was lost. We should not continue to labour under the burden of self pity because this self pity will destroy our soul and, therefore, our resolve to rebuild Buganda. Let me in this connection draw the attention of our people to the book of Nehemiah in the Holy Bible for inspiration. In chapter 2 verses 17-18 and I quote “Then I said to them ‘You see the trouble we are in, how Jerusalem lies in ruins with its gates burned. Come, let us build the wall of Jerusalem, that we may no longer suffer disgrace’. ….and they said ‘Let us rise up and build’. So they strengthened their hands for the good work”.
Instead of lamenting the sorry state to which Jerusalem had been reduced and stopping there, the children of Israel rebuilt Jerusalem. I would like to tell the Baganda that 30 years of mourning are enough. Now is the time to begin rebuilding Buganda with our brains and hands. No greater tribute can be paid by us to the memory of those who suffered and died at the hands of tyrants than the rebuilding of Buganda in all respects.
The place to begin the building of Buganda is the discipline of our youth. Buganda was built on discipline and I, therefore, charge parents and opinion leaders in Buganda to inculcate discipline amongst our youth. They are the ones who are going to build the New Buganda of our dreams and they must, therefore, have the discipline to do so. I ask all the leaders in this crusade to lead by example. That is the only way our youth will learn to lead disciplined lives.
It is sweat and toil that makes countries prosperous. The Baganda must, therefore, sweat and toil to make the land of their ancestors a great place to live in once again. The Baganda should stop running away from Buganda in the hope that somehow miraculously somebody else will develop the land for them to come back to when it begins to flow with milk and honey. Nobody will develop the land for you but yourselves, and this is the greatest challenge that you face. Baganda derived great pride and satisfaction in the payment of taxes in the past. Baganda were very proud of their good manners. Let us rediscover that pride and use it to rebuild Buganda and Uganda. Buganda was built on accomodation and the palaces of the Kabakas were the melting pots of nationalities and talents. Buganda still stands on her record of accomodation but what we ask for is reciprocity. Indeed Uganda would become a very strong and united nation if there was reciprocity all around.
Lastly let me make this pledge – the Mutebi reign will be one of reconciliation, unity, peace and development.
I thank all the celebrants and all those who have graced this occasion with their presence.
CLF claims responsiblity for the Rwenzori attacks and is saying that everybody as is taken to custody by the Police is innocent oppisiton figurs:
A new group the coalition of liberation forces (CLF) has claimed it carried out all the attacks against police and army units in the Rwenzori region, and the regime after failing to get them, it turned to arresting innocent kingdom officials and members of the FDC.The Group says that the regime had always wanted to clamp down on the Rwenzururu kingdom, and also had wanted a reason to disorganise the FDC party which has the largest support in the region, and now it has struck and struck hard.The CLF says the charging of these innocent civilians beforea general Court marshal will backfire in the face of M7 and will spel disaster for him.On its part. the CLF says its fighers are spread across the country and shall continue to wage war of resistance to the system.The former UPDFin opposition has since joined CLF, which has about 5 other Groups (Ikazeiwacu.fr, 2014).
Of this CLF group most of them are in the diaspora.
What do you think, do you think this is true and if it is, can a brother ask for more clear sources?
Been days since I have updated directly updated on the Rwenzori skirmishes in Kasese and Bundibugyo. There has been reports and complaining on both sides. There been people screaming and rooting against Museveni and the spies of him that didn’t react to the locals in the area. It’s hard to know what the truth in those accusations is, but here is the reports I have now.
There have been reports of deflection from the FDC in Kasese to the NRM. This is persons who were in the main leadership positions in the FDC in the districts of Kasese district. One of these FDC leaders we’re Kmalha the now former Secretary General of the FDC in the Kasese District, second leader is Kimandi the now former District Councilor in Kisanga Sub-Country. Also the former MP for Busongora South: Charles Kibazanga. “Insiders told this website that Kibazanga “defected to NRM long time ago and met Museveni last year. He is no longer active in Kasese. Kibazanga appearing at Rwakitura would not be a surprise” (Akugizibwe, 2014).
Deal between Mumbere and Museveni:
“One of the first signs of the deal was the immediate release of the Rwenzururu Kingdom Prime Minister Noah Nzaghale who was indeed released yesterday”. IGP Gen. Kale Kayihura was sent to secure the ground after the skirmishes. He wasn’t ready for what was meeting him in Kasese. This wasn’t about single people who were going against the ruling party NRM, but society who was fatigued by it. Even the Konzo community could revolt against both the kingdom and government to start their own state of Yirra Republic, but the deal was made by and largely by Maj Gen. Wilson Mbadi who met wiht Kayihura and Mumbere, this deal would clear the air without making too much out it of it all. Kayihura was worried of the power and measures that Mumbere had as his disposal, he could muster a rebellion against the central-government. Intelligence provided to Kayihura also shows that the king has three palaces and in those 3 he has military bases, these are in Kasese, Bundibugyo and DRC. There is sent an delegation to the President to solve issues that is not currently being withhold, in the delegation is Charles Kibanzanga (Kamwand, 2014).
UPDF officers charged and stalled:
There has been a General Court Martial hearing after the skirmish in Kasese and Budinbugyo. The cases pending are up to 131 suspects in total by now. The major UPDF are former deputy director of Uganda Media Center Col. Shaban Bantazari and ex-Internal Security Organization Director in the Marine Maj. Herbert Muramagi. They are now detained at Police HQ in Makindye in Kampala suburb.
The other UPDF officers are:
– Former Commander of Uganda Battle Group 11+: Col. Hassan Kimbowa.
– Former Ugandan Troop Contingent Tank Component Commander: Lt. Col. David Kreys Matua.
– Former Commander of 343 battalion in Mogadishu: Lt. Col. Benson Olanya.
– Former Commander of Ugandan Battle Group 9+: Lt. Col. Eugine Ssebugwaawo.
– Former Commander of the Motorized Component: Maj. Nasur Namara.
– Former trainer in AlJazeera Training School in Mogadishu: Maj. Frank Kawero.
– Former School Chief Instructor of AlJazeera Training School in Mogadishu: Lt.Col. Sam Kirya.
– Former Military Information Officer and Logistics Officer in the Ugandan Army: Capt. Joy Atugonza.
“The deputy army spokesperson, Maj. Henry Obbo, has said the trial of the officers would resume at the end of “an emergency session” in Kasese. But he could not tell when the emergency trial would come to a close” (Kwegisa, 2014).
Hope this gave you some more insights to the matter at hand which took so many lives. Wonder what will be the answer to it all and what really happen. If it was tribal skirmishes or something else, by now it’s hard to say. When I know more and have more information, I will drop it and keep it running.
Akugizibwe, Edison – ‘BREAKING: Kasese Top FDC Leaders Defect to NRM’ (17.07.2014) Link: http://chimpreports.com/index.php/mobile/news/politics/24683-breaking-kasese-top-fdc-leaders-defect-to-nrm.html
Kamwada, Fred Daka – ‘MUMBERE-M7 DEAL’ (17.07.2014), Link:
Kwesiga, Pascal – ‘Trial of over 10 UPDF officers stalls’ (17.07.2014), Link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/657693-trial-of-over-10-updf-officers-stalls.html
NTV Clips worth seeing:
Here is WikiLeaks which shows quotes from 2007 to 2011 where Bunyoro, Rwenzuru and the security of the oil-rich Western-Uganda. Think that this should be interesting reading – also insights to the situation. Have an awesome time reading!
The Corruption story of Muhwezi and Mukula amd the NRM:
“Many Ugandans were happy to see Muhwezi and Mukula, members of the so-called “mafia”, arrested for corrupt activities” (…)”oo Much or Inefficient Corruption. Kategaya and Musa Ecweru, Minister of State for Relief and Disaster Preparedness, told P/E Chief the core issue was that Muhwezi, Mukula, and Kamugisha took more money than they had been authorized and failed to account for it. Muhwezi had been found “not politically responsible” in a Cabinet white paper follow-up on the Global Fund Investigation report in March. According to the Kategaya and Ecweru, the debate within the Cabinet over Muhwezi’s fate was heated, but that ultimately a majority of ministers rallied behind Muhwezi because they themselves could be implicated for corrupt activities. The President accepted the Cabinet recommendation, but still wanted to find a way to “clip Muhwezi’s wings.” The President decided that the use of the immunization fund for personal gain would provide a strong case against Muhwezi” (…)”Succession Politics. Another possibility, and not excluded by other theories, was that the arrests were an attempt by President Museveni to remove potential successors. This includes both Jim Muhwezi and First Lady Janet Museveni. Both have presidential ambitions and both profited beyond Museveni’s expectations from the embezzlement. Muhwezi’s financial independence, alleged ties to the Forum for Democratic Change’s Kizza Besigye, and the perception that he was advancing his own political ambitions rather than the ruling party’s could have contributed to the decision to arrest him at this time. Several Cabinet members say that Muhwezi, the former Chief of Military Intelligence, has been allowed to get away with corrupt activities because he has files on key political players and the First Family and has threatened to use them” (…)”The NRM-dominated Parliament also selected Muhwezi to head the Parliamentary Group for the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting. One Cabinet member told PolChief that there are signs of other politicians rallying to Muhwezi’s side because they fear they could be next in line for an arrest warrant. Ecweru posted Mukula’s bond to demonstrate ethnic solidarity” (…)”The arrests are generating a significant amount of speculation regarding the future of the ruling party and implications for the war on corruption. Many political contacts and other Western diplomats are wondering if Museveni has a clear game plan, desired outcome, or defined roles for the IGG and public prosecutors” (WikiLeaks, 29.05.2007).
Ugandan Boarder Tension:
“Museveni and his Congolese counterpart Joseph Kabila met in Tanzania to discuss border issues after Congolese military units moved a border demarcation four kilometers into an agreed-upon no-man’s zone on the Ugandan border” (…)”Lt. Gen. David Tinyefuza, Museveni’s security czar, reported to Museveni that Congolese units allegedly erected a border crossing four kilometers on the Ugandan side of the border. However, a team of security officials led by Deputy Director of the External Security Service Emmy Allio, who is from West Nile, determined that the Congolese had not moved the demarcation posts into Uganda, only into the agreed-upon no-man’s zone. In his report to President Museveni and the Minister of Security Amama Mbabazi, Allio argued that the GOU should not “make a big deal” out of the incident. He found that the powerful Governor of Ituri ordered the move, with backing from some elements in Kinshasa, but that Kabila was likely unaware” (WikiLeaks, 21.05.2008).
”According to a joint statement released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Museveni and Kabila “noted with satisfaction” that progress had been made in the border demarcation process. They pointed to the Fifth Session of the Joint Permanent Commission in Kampala December 12-15, 2007, the Joint Border Remarking Committee in Bunia and Entebbe, and other bilateral engagement on the issue as evidence that efforts to find a diplomatic solution to the border question were ongoing” (…)”Museveni and Kabila agreed to accelerate the co-administration of the Rukawanzi Island as the demarcation process takes place. Situated on Lake Albert, Rukawanzi Island was at the center of the August 2007 border flare-up that led to the Ngurdoto-Tanzania Agreement. (Note: Congolese soldiers killed a British Heritage Oil worker in August 2007 claiming that the oil barge had strayed into Congolese waters (ref A). End note.) The prospect of oil exploration on Lake Albert, which is dissected by the Ugandan-Congolese border, has further complicated the demarcation process” (WikiLeaks, 21.05.2008).
The Oil-deals and Boarder Tension:
“The most recent border tensions comes in the wake of Kinshasa’s decision to revoke an oil exploration concession to a neighboring block in eastern Congo’s oil-rich region that it had granted to Tullow Oil and Heritage, two of four oil companies operating in western Uganda. The Congolese government awarded the tender to South Africa’s state oil company PetroSA, claiming that Tullow and Heritage violated Congolese territorial waters on Lake Albert (refs A and B), (WikiLeaks, 21.05.2008).
Museveni’s Plan to “Ring-Fence” Bunyoro:
“An internal July 15 memo from Ugandan President Museveni has deepened the ethnic divide between groups living atop newfound oil reserves in Uganda’s Western Region. The memo, which was leaked to the press on August 2, instructs the Minister for Presidential Affairs to consider restricting key elected offices – including parliamentary seats – in what was once the Bunyoro Kingdom in Western Uganda to ethnic Banyoro only. The memo also recommends preferential land ownership rights for ethnic Banyoro for the next twenty years. Museveni’s memo may have been designed to appease, or perhaps distract, Banyoro leaders angered by long-standing land disputes and the government’s continued refusal to reveal plans for oil revenue sharing (reftel)” (…)”Museveni has not backed away from the idea of investing specific ethnic groups with special electoral privileges in Western Uganda, and several members of his Cabinet who hail from Bunyoro have ratcheted up pressure on Museveni to move forward with his proposal. Museveni’s apparent willingness to consider rewarding one ethnic constituency by disenfranchising many others reinforces concerns about his re-election strategy for 2011 and Uganda’s commitment to the transparent management of impending oil revenues” Sampson/WikiLeaks, 19.08.2009).
”Two other individuals of note reportedly also spoke at the August 15 Bunyoro Symposium: the Bunyoro Kingdom’s spokesman Henry Ford Miriima and Presidential Advisor on Land Issues Kasirivu Atwooki. In recent days Miriima has advocated for taking President Museveni’s “ring-fencing” idea even further, arguing that non-Banyoro living in Bunyoro should assimilate into Banyoro culture and adopt the Banyoro language of Runyoro” (Sampson/WikiLeaks, 19.08. 2009).
Tension because of Museveni’s plan to “Ring-Fence” Bunyoro:
“Tensions between the Banyoro and “immigrant” populations in Bunyoro have been simmering for some time. President Museveni’s memo significantly heightened these tensions by elevating them to national prominence. Explanations of why Museveni seized on the Bunyoro question now, after more than two decades in power, focus on two topics: elections and oil. Using Uganda’s 2002 census as a guide, one local news magazine noted that the Banyoro are in fact not marginalized and that ethnic Banyoro hold 10 of the 14 parliamentary seats from the four districts that make up the Bunyoro Kingdom. Although Banyoro appear to be the largest ethnic group in these districts, they do not hold a majority. Restricting elected offices to only ethnic Banyoro would therefore disenfranchise a majority of the population resident in these districts” (Sampson/WikiLeaks, 19.08. 2009)
“Captain” Mike Mukula, disgraced former Ugandan Health Minister and current National Resistance Movement (NRM) vice-chairman for eastern Uganda, warned that the 2011 presidential elections will be worse than the deeply flawed 2006 presidential contest. Mukula, whose political reputation was battered by the 2006 Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI) scandal, said the September 10-12 riots provided a brief preview of one potential election scenario. He also said President Museveni’s popularity was decreasing within the NRM, and speculated that Museveni may be interested in setting up his son, Muhoozi, as dauphin. Mukula said Museveni ultimately listens to only two countries – the U.S. and the U.K. – and urged the U.S. to pressure Museveni to reinstate presidential term limits. Mukula himself, however, hopes to run for president in 2016″ (…)”Mukula lost his Cabinet post in 2006 and was briefly imprisoned in 2007 after being accused of diverting USD 1.5 million from the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI) program to NRM coffers. Describing himself as Museveni’s “fall guy,” Mukula blamed his involvement in the GAVI scandal on Museveni’s need to placate international donors concerned about corruption, and his own rising popularity as evidenced by a newspaper poll that listed Mukula as more popular with the NRM faithful than the President” (…)”Now the NRM’s vice-chairman for eastern Uganda and a key member of Museveni’s re-election campaign, Mukula complained that there is no separation between the NRM and Ugandan state institutions. He called the military Uganda’s “fourth estate” and said Museveni regards the army as his personal political party. Mukula highlighted the complete dominance of Museveni’s Banyankole ethnic group throughout the government, military, and business community, and asserted that the NRM now serves as nothing more than platform for the President, springing to life only during election campaigns” (…)”Bukenya, an ethnic Baganda, as the NRM’s most popular leader. He said Museveni kept Bukenya on as his Vice President to keep tabs on Bukenya’s potential presidential ambitions” (…)”Mukula said the recent political moves made by Museveni – from pandering to ethnic Banyoro along Lake Albert (ref. A), to the recognition of the Rwenzururu Kingdom in southwestern Uganda and the decision to support the minority Banyala’s quest for autonomy from the Buganda Kingdom (ref. B) – were all designed to obtain the two percentage points needed to push Museveni from 49 to 51 percent during the first round of voting in 2011” (…)”Mukula said Museveni was increasingly patterning himself after Robert Mugabe and wants to position his son, Lieutenant Colonel Muhoozi Kainerugaba Museveni, as his eventual successor. Muhoozi returned from the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in mid-2008 to assume command of the new Special Forces, a still-murky component – or potentially entirely separate unit – of the praetorian Presidential Guard Brigade comprised of all the PGB’s elite, technical, and specialized non-infantry capabilities. Noting that Muhoozi may still be too young to mount a credible presidential bid in 2016, Mukula again volunteered that he had presidential ambitions of his own for 2016” (Sampson/WikiLeaks, 23.09.2009).
The Oil-deals between ExxonMobile/ENI/Tullow/Heritage Oil Company with corruption and deals made with the Ugandan Government:
“A December 17 report by the External Security Organization (ESO), which Intelligence Coordinator General David Tinyefuza allegedly forwarded to President Museveni, says Security Minister Amama Mbabazi is “eyeing” a $200 million commission for securing a deal between Heritage Oil and the Italian firm ENI” (…)”confidential Ugandan intelligence report on negotiations between Heritage Oil and the Italian oil giant ENI (see attached document and reftel). Tullow has previously expressed concern that ENI is using illicit payments to Ugandan officials to obtain government authorization for purchasing Heritage and depriving Tullow of oil holdings in Lake Albert” (…)”The report says western governments – including the U.S., U.K., Sweden, and France – oppose the opaque ENI deal, that Tullow hopes to sell 50% of its Ugandan holdings to ExxonMobil, and that ENI offered Ugandan officials facilitating an ENI-Heritage agreement a $200 million “commission” (…)”The report claims that Mbabazi is using a front company belonging to the European owner of Asante Oil, and that ENI representatives distributed “fat envelopes” to a number of visitors – including Energy Ministry officials, representatives from the Office of the President, journalists, and Bunyoro Kingdom officers – while installed at a safari lodge in Murchison Falls National Park close to where drilling has occurred. NOTE: EconOff witnessed ENI’s presence at this lodge during a trip to Murchison in early December. END NOTE. Much of the report highlights ENI’s Libyan ties and accuses Qadhafi of funneling money to the Bunyoro and Buganda Kingdoms to destabilize the Museveni regime. The final two sections of the report purport to “show how ENI corrupts a country’s leadership and forces them to take unpopular selfish policies,” and the “dangers” of an ENI/Libya deal” (Sampson/WikiLeaks, 13.01.2010).
Continuation of Mbabazi and Government involvement in Oil-Deals:
“We believe Mbabazi is positioning himself for a significant payoff, but the security report is undermined somewhat by Tullow’s apparent involvement in its drafting. In December, ExxonMobil said it lacked concrete evidence that its Ugandan interests have been harmed, but noted that ENI’s involvement has had a negative impact. If the Heritage-ENI sale proceeds unchanged, it will significantly reduce the value of Tullow’s Uganda holdings, zap ExxonMobil’s interest, and put Uganda on the road to rampant oil sector corruption” (Samson(WikiLeaks, 13.01.2010)
“President Yoweri Museveni has ordered the freeze in order to protect the rights of locals, whose tenure continues to be threatened by the influx of business people interested in the oil-rich land, Stephen Birahwa, a lawmaker representing Bulisa told Dow Jones Newswires” (WikiLeaks, 29.05.2011).
Richards/WikiLeaks – [OS] UGANDA/ENERGY – Uganda imposes oil land ban – FRANCE/UK/CHINA (06.06.2011), WikiLeaks, Link: https://wikileaks.org/gifiles/docs/31/3161601_-os-uganda-energy-uganda-imposes-oil-land-ban-france-uk.html
Sampson, Aaron & WikiLeaks – MUSEVENI MIXES TOXIC BREW OF ETHNICITY AND OIL IN WESTERN UGANDA (19.08.2009), WikiLeaks, Link:
Sampson, Aaron & WikiLeaks – UGANDA: NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT INSIDER SEES TROUBLE AHEAD (23.09.2009), WikiLeaks, Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09KAMPALA1096_a.html
Sampson, Aaron & WikiLeaks – UGANDA: SECURITY REPORT DETAILS OIL SECTOR CORRUPTION (13.01.2010), WikiLeaks, Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/10KAMPALA19_a.html
WikiLeaks – UGANDA: MUSEVENI AND KABILA DEFUSE BORDER TENSION (21.05.2008), Link:https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/08KAMPALA674_a.html
WikiLeaks – UGANDA: CORRUPTION SCANDAL’S POLITICAL RAMIFICATIONS (29.05.2007) Link:https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/07KAMPALA909_a.html
Well, if you are still interested in different sources on the Rwenzori – Obusinga bwa Rwenzururu and the Kasese and in Bundibugyo attack. Then I got some more for you today from different articles. After the tragic attack which killed 93 people and here is the new quotes and information on the sad event that happen in Kasese and Bundibugyo.
Kasese District Police Commander Michael Musani Sabila commented to media that Rwenzururu PM Nzaghale is now released from prison. Sabila continues: “We are still holding three other Rwenzururu officers” (…)”There is a high security alert to counter any further threats” (…)”Registration centres for the ongoing national ID project have also been provided with extra security to ensure the process is not disrupted “ (…)”A good number are calling us, expressing their willingness to surrender, saying they were deceived into taking up arms against the State” (Thwaite, 2014).
The three that still arrested:
– Kingdom Enviroment Officer: Erisaniya Mberemu.
– Information Minister and Kingdoms Spokesman: Joshua Kalimwithako Baluku.
– Chairman of the Rwenzururu Esyomango S’Obusinga(Youth Wing): Mitusera Isebayanda
The Inspector of General of Police Kale Kayihura said: “We have different categories such as actors, planners and organisers who will be handled accordingly to their actions against the State. We have reinforced our system, we shall not leave any stone unturned” (…) “We have released on police bond the two kingdom officials as our investigations into the matter continue. We arrested them because they were implicated”. He also said that he was disappointed with the Obsuninga bwa Rwenzururu (Mugume, 2014).
MPs of all political parties are critical of the ethical dived between Bakjona cultivators and Basongora cattle keepers. Defence Minister Dr. Crispus Kiyonga comments: “some people in our society still hold firm beliefs in witchcraft, can easily be duped into criminality and can be very callous in causing death to their brothers and sisters”. Even UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon says: “we must not be left to utter the words ‘never again,’ again and again” (…)”indeed; the world has yet to fully overcome its divisions, its indifference, and its moral blind spots. For if not checked, ethnic conflicts are contagious and can spread quickly like cancer cells and eat all the progress achieved over the years” (Mugerwa, 2014).
In Kasese district it would be three kings alone in the groups of the Bakonzo, Basongora and Bayabinindi. This would be:
– Rwenzururu Kingdom of the Bakonzo with Mr. Charles Wesley Mumbere (Only recognized cultural leader by the government).
– Basongora People has recognized as their cultural leader: Mr Ivan Rukirwa Bwambale (not recognized by the government).
– Bayabindi People has recognized as their cultural leader: Mr Elisha Mugisha(not recognized by the government).
In Bundibugyo there you have the kingdom of the Bwamba which actually recently got recongnized by the government. This was as an opposite too the Rwenzururu Kingdom. Bwanba is made for the ethnic groups of Bamba and Babwasi, the issue in the district is that is also having a great number of Bakonzo (Katusabe, 2014).
Ms Polly Namaye deputy spokesman of the Uganda Police has recently addresses the matter and about the issue of the king in custody: “free and there has not been any attempt by the police to summon or arrest him under any circumstance”. She also said: “to have the king summoned the police will not desist (from executing its duties) but will do so in the interest of protecting the lives and properties of all Ugandans equally” (Katusabe, 2014).
Mr Mugisha the Bayabindi leader says: “These activities were carried out by the Bakonzo” (…)”We had informed the authorities that such attacks would happen but our advice was not taken seriously. It could easily be discerned from what many Bakonzo leaders had been saying that an attack on us was imminent. We live in fear” (…)”commemorating the deaths of our people who were killed during the Rwenzururu uprising between 1964 and 1981” (…)”we are different from Bakonzo” (…)”For us we are Bantu-speaking people and we don’t have much in common with the Bakonzo. They therefore targeted us because they associated us with the enemies (the Batooro)” (…)”The army and the police deployed heavily to protect our function; we even had people from State House” (…)”had threatened that if our function took place they would fight” (…)”When they failed to stop the function they diverted their anger to state institutions” (Katusabe, 2014).
Mr Bwambale the in-charge project desk at the Justice and Peace Commission in Kasese which isn’t agreeing with Mugisha is saying: “During the Rwenzururu war starting in the 1960s, our fathers knew that they needed guns to fight to break off from Tooro” (…)”So how can you convince me that in the year 2014, the kingdom of Rwenzururu would organise an attack on a military barracks executed by stick-wielding thugs? It doesn’t make sense” (…)”like his king has argued, that the attack could have been planned by anti-Rwenzururu people to discredit the kingdom. We were unable to establish whether this is one line of investigation the police is following” (…)”Muhindo and all the others should not have died” (…)”it should look at more strategic interventions to address the problem” (…)”There is a danger in the message which the government seems to send to those people who intend to be recognised as cultural leaders” (…)”they seem to be saying that once you fight and win recognition we put you on payroll” (Katusabe, 2014).
Mr. Mumbere says: “Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, the institution of traditional leader or cultural leader may exist in any area of Uganda in accordance with the culture, customs and traditions or wishes and aspirations of the people to whom it applies” (…)”It’s natural resources, especially in the lowlands, which is causing trouble in Kasese especially” (Katusabe, 2014).
Mr Mugisha gives his thoughts on why they should get recognized: “We will stop being marginalized” (…)”we have a very big problem with land; our people have been sidelined. Look at me, I am the king of the Banyabindi but I live on a small plot” (…)”Ibuga Prison farm has a lot of vacant land” (…)”let the government take some of my people there” (Katusabe, 2014).
Rev Can Cornelius Matte the dean of St. Paul Church where he discusses the issues of the Bakonzo. Mr Matte says: “problem of resources is getting worse” (…)”We have had land conflicts in the area for some time but we never predicted that this thing would become this dangerous. We are living in a corridor between national parks, prison and mountains. People are now desperate and something very small causes a very serious reaction. People are now like hungry dogs” (…)”Every year we send people to theological colleges and we have some other opportunities. We ensure that we send a Munyabindi and Musongora. This year the only one we have sent to university is a Musongora” (Katusabe, 2014).
Dr. Kizza Besigye has new comments on Rwenzururu:
“This is not tribal violence as government claims. Why is it only the Police and UPDF being targeted as if they are tribes? It’s because people are fed-up and feel that these are agents of the bigger problem up there” (…)”This situation in western Uganda cannot be detached from the problems in the whole country. The causes are not a local dynamic as it has been reduced but rather a political time bomb government is sitting on”. He describes President Museveni as “king of sectarianism”. Besigye is also addressing Kiyonga actions: ““Kiyonga was there when they carved out Ntoroko for the Batuku from Bundibugyo for the Bamba and have plans to further divide Kasese into four other constituents for the Basongora and other small tribes they want to create” (Musisi, 2014).
Katusabe, Ruth & Mukiibi Ssrunjogi Misari Thembo Kahungu, Eriasa – ‘Inside the melting pot of Rwenzori region’ (13.07.2014) Link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Inside-the-melting-pot-of-Rwenzori-region/-/688334/2381740/-/wckx5vz/-/index.html
Mugume, Colleb & Ninsuma Enid – ‘Police to screen Kasese, Bundibugyo attackers’ (13.07.2014) Link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Police-to-screen-Kasese–Bundibugyo-attackers/-/688334/2381922/-/fvvkg0/-/index.html
Mugerwa, Yaslin – ‘MPs unite against Rwenzori attacks’ (13.07.2014) Link: http://www.monitor.co.ug/OpEd/OpEdColumnists/YasiinMugerwa/MPs-unite-against-Rwenzori-attacks/-/878670/2381556/-/us815oz/-/index.html
Musisi, Fredric & Tumwine, Albert – ‘Govt to blame for Rwenzori attacks’ – Besigye’ (13.07.2014) Link:http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Govt-to-blame-for-Rwenzori-attacks—Besigye/-/688334/2381860/-/dvi3k0z/-/index.html
Thwaite, John B. – ‘Kasese attacks: Rwenzururu premier released’ (12.07.2014) Link:http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/657452-kasese-attacks-rwenzururu-premier-released.html