


GoU – ‘Banning the Recruitment and Deployment of Domestic Workers to Saudi Arabia and Other Countries (22.01.2016)







We salute the media, all Patriotic youth forums present, members of the public, ladies and gentlemen. Before you today is the National Executive Committee and Regional Coordinators of Sauti Ya Vijana.
Preamble; –
We are gathered here today after a series of consented regional meetings, consultations and guidance from all stakeholders including our partners in and around the world.
In these deliberations, Sauti ya Vijana unanimously agreed to revise our positions in regards to forthcoming national elections and conclusions have been drawn on these grounds:-
1.Declare our consented support for the NRM candidate Gen Yoweri K Museveni for 2016 presidency
2.Withdrawal of our petition to the UN Security Council for military support against a backdrop of the possibility of specious results of the 2016 elections.
3.Denounce our support for Rt Hon Amama Mbabazi and his Go forward pressure group.
Details.
1. Declaration of our consented support to Gen Yoweri K Museveni.
i) we Sauti Ya Vijana, on this day declare that we have decided to support Gen Yoweri K Museveni for president of Uganda 2016.
ii) The grounds of our support are clear minded. We are convinced that Gen. Museveni will offer Ugandans both the transformational & transitional leadership necessary at the time.
iii) We from Now henceforth join the NRM mobilizers to nationally canvass for votes for the president of Uganda.

2. Sauti ya Vijana withdraws its petition to the UN Security Council on the following grounds.
I ) After a 3weeks feasibility study (across the country) on the possibility of vote rigging, we express confidence in the Independent Electoral commission to deliver a free and fair election in February 2016.
ii) In our view a military struggle (war) will be unnecessary rather peaceful resolutions to any eventuality or uncertainty.
iii) Leaving nothing to chance we have set up sauti ya vijana election observation team. (SYVEOT) This team will monitor and observe the elections across the country. Consequently our findings will be translated into a report that will be published and distributed to government, International human rights organizations and all stakeholders.

3. Denunciation of Rt. Hon Amama Mbabazi and Go Foward.
I) we joined go forward with the confidence that it was the epitome of our aspirations as a transitional generation. However we have been dumfounded with the reality that ‘go forward ‘ is simply rhetoric with NO transparency, farsightedness, ego-centricism and smuggery fiefdom.
ii) Go forward has already failed. It’s a treacherous movement with self-centered individuals with cryptic intentions. We fear that these intentions are not in national interest and will only draw Uganda to Its perilous past.
iii) We have therefore unanimously agreed to revise our initial position and support Gen Yoweri K Museveni.
We thank you all for coming.
For God and my country.
Peter Mukiibi
Director; Information

Today the NRM-Regime is in panic mode or just wants to look foolish; maybe even both depending on which side of the Penndel that is hitting them at the set moment. First they had the nerve to yet again shut down a radio-station where Amama Mbabazi the independent Presidential Candidate we’re scheduled to be a part of show on air. This was at the Mbarara Radio Station of Endigyito FM of the MP Nulu Byamukama.
That is not really news anymore because the NRM-regime and its cronies in all the government institutions like police, army or electoral commission stifle the Go-Forward at every step of the way as thorns on roses.

At a rally of NRM Sole Candidate Yoweri Kaguta Museveni or Mzee the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) told the NTV camera men and journalist from the Kidaga campaign rally. The UPDF told the NTV that they are now banned from campaign trail of the NRM from now on. That is deep, and second breach in 24 hours from the NRM-Regime and the NRM-O. They surely must have a hissy fit. If not its Mzee who feels bitchy; either or he is stopping the free press and free media from telling the story as they see fit.

While New Vision the Government paper drops in the same week the same poll as it did earlier last summer, it was like in 2011 when NRM had 71% in the polls, the same they happen to happen now in January 2016 again 71%. Like a photo-copy in the same paper and such. I haven’t checked if the same journalist, but if it had been it would surely been nearly the same kind of commentary since the number we’re practically the same.
It is rumored that Mzee is furious that NTV used another poll then the ones used in New Vision, the one manufactured to suit the regime. He cannot look weak in front of the world in the final stages of the campaign trail. There is now at a stage where the President does not want to look like a fool. That is why the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) to switch off transmission after hosting Presidential hopeful Hon. Amama Mbabazi on Tuesday from 9:30pm-12:00am. Because Mbabazi can’t speak his mind and deliver his message to the people at this moment. Just as they have closed KFM radio and shut Mbabazi out of radio-station in Karamoja during the campaign trail. There is also other media has gotten harassed by the police under orders of IGP Kale Kayihura and other leaders above him. Like the journalist during the Bukwo campaign of FDC who got destroyed cameras. Another one was the incidents where the journalist was shot on the first rally of Erias Lukwago in Kampala. Oulanyah’s men we’re also harassed journalists in Alalogi sub-county. I could go on, but the last straw at Parliament where the Ugandan Press Association Office on the 18th January 2016. There been so many incidents during the campaign trail this is just snippets.

So that the NRM-Regime yet again closes a radio as a result of a major opposition candidate has a show there proves the steady progress and free-thinking spirit of Mzee. Your free as long as the people eat out of his hands and doesn’t think for themselves. The next step was in hours to ban the NTV Uganda crew from following the NRM Presidential Candidate Rallies, we know it is boring and they struggle to get crowds that are why they had to hire 600 boda-boda drivers from the districts around to pick-up people and ride them to the rallies. That is so noble of the NRM, so they can get nice pictures and have the awesome shots of picturesque propaganda for #VoteSevo and #SteadyProgress Mike Sebula dream team.
National Resistance Movement can ban a media coverage, while they have earlier complained about the level of coverage while they hog the media and give little or less to minor parties or independent candidates. This here shows the arrogance and vile attempt of self-justified meager assessment of the media coverage and how the NTV is treating the NRM. It is so ironic that the party said this in November 2015.

The Secretary General of NRM Justine Kasule Lumumba said this: “You should take note that our candidate has so far addressed 70 rallies and some haven’t even covered 20 of them” (…)”I have observed that some media houses are biased and do not cover all the candidates equall” (FakeBeast, 2015).
It’s funny that the Secretary General said this for two months ago and then sudden attack on NTV today at their campaign rally. So that they act differently than how they speak, but that is just like their boss and Mzee! They can’t help themselves, the NRM can speak the most Nobel way and pledge to save the nation. Initally they can speak of freedom of the press and free speech, while aggressively attacking journalist, using police and IGP Kayihura to explain the journalist how to act, like he did through summer and before the presidential campaigns. Kayihura is a savvy media mogul and knowledge of all things, that is why he knows the proper ethics for journalist and a like, while his police-men undress opposition woman, but that is not his fault! My bad!

NRM can be so two-faced. This is the typical two-faced actions from the NRM and their regime. They call foul complain like cry-babies and second later complain when the actors finally acts because the NRM doesn’t comply or act as they say therefore the reports doesn’t add up to the reality. That is why when it comes to the media they want the perfect screenshot and Musevenist dream-land that tells how he liberated the land has still some works to finish his project. As Mzee has told time and time again; I am sure I could write one of his speeches just with my blinking eyes and the rising eagles of Luweero fly passed me while typing.
NRM can’t hold the facade and their wished story out to the people anymore. People know more and the educated masses will not eat of the hands of the Mzee. As the internet and social media can show, that is why NRM tries its best to fill the scope and streams to own it. Instead of letting other voices out; then NRM can’t have the issues of a National TV-station questioning the winning charm of the oppressive regime and long-time ruler of his Excellency. So that the NRM uses UPDF to tell them of instead of using proper formats to address the NTV instead of having men with guns telling them to step-off. But that is the NRM way; they can’t do it peacefully or with manners. They have to use guns as that was the way they got to power. This is just an extension of the vile actions of the regime. The behavior is so natural that Oulanyah a big-man had to use violence against journalist and FDC convoy because that is what NRM know. Not something else, that is why NRM use methods to destroy campaign material of opposition and block them with the police at every turn, I am sure there would be more tear-gas if the Police could afforded newer boxes and still not use the ones procured from the ‘Walk to Work’ demonstrations.

NRM can’t help themselves they have to play foul; NRM behave like this because they don’t know anything else. Mzee uses everybody as a tool, as long as they are useful for his project he proclaim their value and use in society and how he let them be able to work. If they counter and show his darker sides he either shut them down or bans them like now he ordered to ban NTV from his campaign trail. It’s because he is weak and can’t get the truth out, the ignorant and village people can’t watch in taverns in towns all over Uganda that he has less of appeal as he get Vision Group papers to put to press. That makes the stories fail. The Ugandan loyalty is proven when it is to NRM, and Mzee thinks so. So right now NTV is not loyal to the country, but foreign and dangerous belief that NRM doesn’t have all the answers; something Mzee can’t handle. His mustard seed and now 30 year old mustard tree hasn’t yielded as much as he has wished. Therefore when the media coverage is portraying the reality it is not the reality Mzee want the world to see. Journalist therefore as long as they tell the story Mzee wants the world to see, they can travel and show smiling pictures from the campaign trail or in Parliament, but if you question the NRM-Regime you are vile force of evil. NRM can’t handle the media anymore and doesn’t know all the ways of spin-control even Tamale Mirundi talks crap about them now and then. It’s like clockwork. Now the NRM has banned NTV and next is NBS, and then WBS! UBC will never be banned, but they are like New Vision and sister papers that portray the stories of the NRM-Regime. So clap-clap for the level of free speech where is the useless European Observation Monitoring of the elections. They are surely at some location in a studio talking about their magnificent work while not doing anything, but they had the nerve to shake hands with Mzee and swallow all his lies recently. But hey a few shallow muzongos are nice for the NRM-Regime to give legitimize them. That they can because the EOM is useful stooges. Mzee has still played the cards wrong and played the cards while the world is watching. NRM-Regime is so nervous and foolish that they continue their ploys against the opposition while now stopping the biggest TV-station to follow on their “magnificent” campaign trail. Might need to ferry some more crowds and pay more for more yellow shirts to make the NRM look like their winning YET AGAIN! Peace.
Reference:
Fakebeast – ‘Media ignores Museveni, Kasule cries out’ (26.11.2015) link: http://www.fakebeast.com/media-ignores-museveni-kasule-cries-out/
This is the story of how Dr. Kizza Besigye saved yet another traffic accident victim on his campaign trail in Kiboga. Showing yet again through character. As a leader should do and also showing humbleness towards the police in a incident where they could have made the event turned sour. He didn’t visit the hospital to show the world the state of the hospital, but to help the citizen in need. See what the reports said!

Dr. Kizza Besigye has rushed a man involved in a nasty accident to Kiboga hospital. The accident happened in Kiboga town when two bodas collided. Dr. Besigye surrendered his car to rush the injured to the nearest hospital.
The hospital was found manned by police as always but Kizza Besigye had no time to negotiate with them.
He entered the hospital and witnessed how the injured was given the first aid. Police was seen perplexed but the DPC later gathered some courage and greeted Dr. Besigye with a firm handshake.
Health workers,Patients and care takers immediatly gathered and surrounded Dr. Besigye and demanded that he greets them as police helplessly looked on.
After delivering the injured man:
Dr. Kizza Besigye addresses hia supporters right at the entrance of Kiboga hospital shortly after dropping a man who had got an accident in Kiboga town. Police men were just looking on in astonishment.

Rest of the Campaign trail:

Lwamata, Kiboga district. The People’s President making a conversation with voters about equal opportunities and shared prosperity.

He contined the campaigns. As follows: Kizza Besigye arrives in Kiboga town play ground. Kiboga has also made its statement. Residents here reported to him the problems in the district which include among others land grabing and illegal evictions from land. From here Team Kizza Besigye is to resume campaigns in Kyankwazi district.
“UPDF soldier telling NTV crew that they have been suspended from covering Museveni rallies” (NTV Uganda, 2016)

I have now written down quotes from the 11th Value for Money reports from the Auditor General in Uganda of 2015, and we are in campaign season, so let’s see what the government can say about their own accountability and such. Beginning with this:
“Annual Report of the Auditor General to Parliament prepared under the Directorate of Value for Money and Specialized Audits. This Volume contains summary reports of the 11 Value for Money (VFM) audits undertaken during the Audit Year ending 31st December 2015”.

Let me begin with the MoWE:
“Water sources constructed were generally functional except for instances in Mbale, Rakai and the non-functional tap heads in Bundibugyo” (P: 23). Quick comment: So the ones they we’re building we’re from the get-go not functioning; what the need to use money to taps is and pipes that don’t work. Good work from the Government of Uganda.
Procurement in Ministry of Water and Environment (MoWE):
“Some districts i.e. Bundibugyo and Kamwenge executed works using “Force account” method of procurement without first obtaining a waiver from PPDA contrary to the procurement rules and regulations. While using this method of procurement the districts also irregularly deposited public resources on personal accounts of district employees without any justification which exposes grant funds to misuse” (P: 23). Comment: So the ones buying can by without showing the need or getting rights to use government funds to use them, so he can buy toothpaste for his kids without showing any report of where the money went? Good to know.
Last quote from MoWE:
“Delays in the payment for goods and services to Suppliers / Consultants / Contractors were observed. In some cases such delays exceeded 100 days with some noted for exceeding 180 days” (P: 25). Comment: There is 360 days in a year, 180 is half, 100 days is over three months; That is the shortest for waiting to be paid for delivered service to the ministry; If your unlucky than it can be up to 6 months. Half a year! Can’t you just tell directly that you weren’t sure you had the money to pay for the service in the first place? Since you expect that certain business who you work with has to wait that long for payment!
Utilization of the District Water and Sanitation Conditional Grant (DWSCG):
“A total of UGX 161 Billion was released by MoFPED to the 111 districts as the grant funds over the 3 years period under review. Out of this, UGX 30.8 Billion was received by the 20 districts that comprised the sample of this study” (P: 60). Here is one of the tests that the OAG did and found: “Audit established that Bundibugyo and Kamwenge executed procurements and works amounting to UGX 192,761,460 and UGX 64,571,498 respectively using force account method of procurement without seeking approval from PPDA as required. Force account is a method where the Procuring and Disposing Entity (PDE) procures materials and undertakes the works with the supervision of a technically qualified staff – in this case, the District Engineer and the District Water Officer” (P: 64). Comment: Here it’s more buying of the DWSCG or a department locally without checking procedure, just buying blindly what they need, though doing it and without supervision so the quality control for much of the bought equipment is done unsupervised.
Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (MoFPED) on Gender and Quality:
“47 government officers from the selected sectors were sponsored for a two-week training in gender and equity budgeting. However the training was mostly funded by donors, which was not sustainable” (P: 31-32). Comment: So the government can’t allocate money for training of their own and has to get the cash to educate their own staff from abroad, sounds not like development or steady progress, but a misuse of money, since you can’t cough up money to educate your own bureaucrats.

On Rice Development:
“The Promotion of Rice Development (PRiDe) project is a successor to three projects by the Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries (MAAIF) projects: Agriculture Improved Rice and NERICA dissemination and Sustainable irrigated rice project (SIAD)” (P: 39). Quotes on the PRiDe: “PRiDe project has not established a system for collection, recording analysis and reporting of rice data and hence it was difficult to establish with certainty the progress the project was making towards the achievement of the set production targets” (…)”MAAIF should work out modalities that enable rice millers to access funding to acquire the required equipment like the mills, destoners and graders that will be used in improving the quality of rice produced” (P: 39-40). Comment: There isn’t any way to monitor the project or the progress, so they can build a stairway to heaven with the cash for what we know and not initially do any research on how to make rice better or yield better in Uganda.
More on the Rice Project:
“noted that although UGX 2,500,000 was paid to the database developer as part payment of the contract amount of UGX 5,000,000, the database was not yet in operation by the time of the Audit (January 2015) and the rice web page had not been developed.. Furthermore, Audit notes that UGX 21,232,912 was paid out to various staff to collect data from farmers and millers to update the non-operational database. Failure by MAAIF to operationalize a rice website and database denies the rice stakeholders access to vital rice information” (P: 217). Comment: There been paid out money to collect data, but not organize it, so it is lost at some office of the Ministry. Instead of being able for people looking at the experience of yielding rice or making rice better.
Performance of Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries (MAAIF):
“According to the project proposal document, GoU was expected to contribute about UGX Four (4) Billion for the five years (FY 2012/13 to FY 2016/17) as counterpart funding. However, the review of MAAIF PRiDe project expenditure documents indicates that only UGX 1,482,409,718 has been released to the project. The released funds represent only 37% of the amount anticipated for three financial years (2012/2013, 2013/2014, 2014/2015) and yet the project has less than two years to close. The failure of government to honour its obligation of providing the budgeted counterpart funding may affect the MAAIFs ability to sustain rice activities beyond the PRiDe project” (P: 223). Comment: Here it has been just dropped 37% of the funds in three financial years, while having two years left. That means that 31,5% of the funds have to be released in each year that are left; so the accounted money will go to the rice activities. Instead they have in three years used 37% of the total, and have to use close to the same each year. That doesn’t seem to happen unless they are starting to waste without waiver and procurement as the MoWE in Bundibugyo?

On External Debt:
Utilization of the Public Debt from the MoFPED (Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development):
“In Uganda, public debt is managed by the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (MoFPED) in liaison with Bank of Uganda (BoU). Government of Uganda (GoU) external borrowing has risen over the years from (United States Dollars) USD 3.71 billion in Financial Year (FY) 2012/13 to USD 9 billion FY 2014/15” (P: 40). Comment: In two years going up USD 4 Billion from 2012/13 to 2014/15. That should be worrying for the economy getting this bigger debt burdens that gives the economy more interests rates to pay back to donors and banks who lent them, instead of development.
External debt overview:
“The Auditor General in his annual report further noted that commitment fees paid during the year 2012/2013 had increased by 40% from UGX9.023 billion in 2011/2012 to UGX12.7billion in 2012/2013” (P: 226). Comment: Following up the first comment on the debt, as the more loans you have, them more interest rates you pay to the lenders and banks. This here is expected things. Though this leave less money to be allocated to what the government needs and let more percentage of the budget go back to paying on debt, instead of investing or allocating to something sustainable, but then you need donors to training your own bureaucrats.
Paying back the debt on time:
“Failure to absorb borrowed funds within the specified timeframe of the projects has led to an increase in the cost of debt to Government in form of commitment fees and fines. This is because creditors, such as African Development Bank, Exim Bank of China, and African Development Fund, among others, charge a fixed rateon the loan amount that is yet to be disbursed. Government paid a sum of USD 26.8m in form of commitment charges between FY 2007/8 and 2014/15. The commitment fees paid peaked in FY 2013/14 amounting to USD 5.1m” (…)”the contractors for Tororo-Lira power line and Mbarara – Nkenda charged Government fees for implementation delays to the tune of UGX 23,353,168,480 and UGX 18,221,868,081182, respectively, which further increased the cost of the projects to Government” (P: 232-233). Comments: While the worry has been for more and more stacked up loans. Then the more increase fees paid for the loans that the Government of Uganda has gotten over time. With this knowledge the government and ministry who control the use of money should be sure of paying back the lenders and banks that facilitated the loans. This lead to more debt and fines to the government because they are not doing the job or delivering as promised back to the banks.
Continues:
“Although funds release performance improved from 22.2% as reported in the 2010 audit report to 71%, MoFPED was still unable to ensure a 100% release performance as promised” (P: 41). Comment: That the ministry can’t ensure that the payments are being served and secured after they had no issues getting the loans for the projects and other development programs, then they should ensure and make funds ready to pay back the fees, interest rates and fines for not releasing over the debt.

Construction of Jinja Market under MATIP:
“Originally the preliminary designs for the market considered four floors at an estimated cost of USD 13.3 Million; however the cost estimate was found to be higher than the project ceiling of USD 10 million” (…)”The original contract sum for construction of the Jinja central market was UGX.28,679,485,336; this was revised to UGX.32,335,198,075 vide addendum no.1 of UGX.3,655,828,962 (VAT inclusive) of 11th September 2014 incorporating additional works related to preliminaries, demolitions, lower ground floor extension from grid 10-12, storm water drainage, stall improvement works, slabs over entry voids, roof improvements and additional security requirements” (P: 43). Comment: Here is just a one project that has gone over the estimated limited and set up of a modern market in Jinja, the Local Government didn’t check the quality of the works and also didn’t do enough monitoring of the project as well. So the basic construction and planning of it haven’t been done that well, when you look at the level of extra expenditure.
Regulation of Construction from by the Ministry of Works and Transport (MoWT):
“The enactment of the UCICO Bill had been planned to be effected by 30th June 2012 but to date (5 years down the road) not much progress has been achieved. The major objectives of the bill were to establish the Uganda Construction Industry Commission to regulate and coordinate the construction industry, register contractors, consultants and other service providers engaged in the national construction industry” (P: 49). And this: “Out of the budgeted amount of UGX 1.4bn, the Ministry received a sum of UGX 1.02bn to cater for the development of the legislation under the programme for public structures as detailed” (P: 51). Comment: That the monitoring unit doesn’t exist while more and more roads cost then estimated, also with little progress of securing the funds used through the UNRA, there should be questioned why the government doesn’t want this transparency unit under the ministry and also checking the builder who seeks private contractors through UNRA.

Regulation of the Ministry and Energy and Mining:
“In efforts to revitalize the mining sector in Uganda, the licensees in the mining business have not been able to get support from banks here in Uganda because the mining industry has just begun to pick up after acquisition of new geological data. This gap of lack of financial support has a negative implication on the licensing process and mining operations, inhibiting the mining sector from developing as any other sector in the country. However, the Ministry will improve by sensitizing the banks on mining business to enable licensees get access to financing of their mining investment projects. In addition, the ministry will take extra care in screening mining applications and plans” (P: 104). Comment: That the banks don’t help the bank-industry. The laws is not yet set in fruition so that the companies in the mining business have proper banking operation, that means the mining industry seems as wild-west if the banks can’t monitor it properly?
Picture of Companies without returns!
“The DGSM takes note of this observation. The MEMD has continued to lobby the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development and the Parliament of Uganda to make available adequate budget allocations for monitoring and inspections of mining and exploration operations to effectively manage enforcement of working obligations by licensees” (P: 107). Comment: Well, if you see how the banks are not build for the mining industry. This here is a follow-up and this is the second level of monitoring the mining industry and its exploration operations. Initially they have to wait for licensees and pay for them through the banks, to get sufficient structure through the banks to the ministry.
Affected persons of the late payment or compensations for work:
“This was the case with the Tororo-Lira power line project where 137 project affected persons since 2012 to date, claim UGX 3,084,420,624 in way leaves compensations and as a result 156 towers that had been established are not strung to date. Along the Mbarara- Nkenda power line since 2010, 60 project affected persons had unresolved way leaves compensation disputes to the tune of UGX 7,042,469,385 by the time of audit. Additionally, along the Mbarara- Mirama section of the NELSAP power line, 5 project affected persons claim UGX 1,143,401,900 in way leave compensations since 2013. This delayed the stringing phase of the projects because relay towers had not been erected in these areas of disputes” (P: 241). Comment: This is the same as the late payments earlier where business had to wait until 180 days. This here is another ministry, but the same kind of business structures and projects get disputes that leaves the levels of compensations to higher levels. That is shown the doubling of values in the audit as shown by the OAG this time. From UGX 3 Billion to UGX 7 Billion; that is a massive growth and added expenses on the set projects that the General Auditor has shown in the report.
I think the comments on each quotes is enough. Because they speak enough for themselves and the questions on how they used the governmental monies proves the validity on the matter and mismatches on the procurements. The scariest situation is with the rising debt and how the Ministry is dealing with the matter. Peace.

The People’s President Dr. Kizza Besigye sets fire in Gayaza in Wakiso district. Besigye is today combing all corners of district of Wakiso. In the district he himself live in and the masses greeted him!

Dr. Kizza Besigye’s message after the rallies in Wakiso:
“Abe Wakiso Mwebale Nyo obuwagizi! People of Wakiso thank you very for the support. We were welcomed from all corners of Wakiso. We appreciate the love, generosity from our brothers and sisters. Wakiso is my home and I am resident there, this was the first round of Wakiso we will be back for a second leg. We might the family of the Dr. Andrew Lutakome Kayiira and they pledge support to the support of our liberation. Many of you in Wakiso you made a bold statement that you want change. Our message: We will reduce the power of presidency and have it handed down to the people to determine how they want to use it. Thank you all for coming and for making it memorable”
This is enough from the campaign today! Peace.
On 19 January 2016, DA Leader, Mmusi Maimane, delivered a landmark speech on race and identity in the DA and South Africa.
His whole speech here:
Ladies and gentlemen
Fellow South Africans
Bagaetsho
Dumelang
I stand before you as a child of Soweto, a proudly Black South African, a son of the African soil. I stand proud to live in a country that is no longer the skunk of the world, proud that out of the ashes of Apartheid a new nation could rise. I am a product of the Group Areas Act, the Population Registration Act and the 1913 Land Act. I was born four years after the Soweto Uprising, but the struggle that began at Morris Isaacson High School was my struggle. And the desire to break down the last vestiges of Bantu Education still burns within me. Because I cannot be free while our people are still in chains. We remain bound together by our shared history and common destiny.
I stand before you as an individual, with the right to decide for myself how to think and how to feel. No pencil test can define me. I’m so much more than the colour of my skin, but I will never deny who I am and the forces that shaped me. I will never forget where I come from. Apartheid may be history, but the racism that nurtured and sustained it continues to this day. Racism demeans us. All of us, black and white. It opens the wounds of its victims, and exposes the ignorance of those who perpetrate it. It robs us of the dignity that so many fought for. And racism divides us. Just look at us. At the very moment we need to be standing together, we are being torn apart.
It doesn’t have to be this way. When I look back, I still marvel at what we have achieved together. Some said we had no chance. They said our history was just too unfair, too brutal. They said the scars inflicted by centuries of colonial rule and half a century of Apartheid laws were just too deep. They said forgiveness and reconciliation were impossible. And then along came a leader who taught us that our scars would not be healed by more hatred, but only by love and understanding.
This humble man, incarcerated for 27 years for fighting against racial domination, was the embodiment of forgiveness and reconciliation. He urged us to look beyond our differences and find our common humanity. And so we did. Like in a marriage, we made a commitment to each other. Our antenuptial agreement was the Constitution we signed twenty years ago on the 8th of May 1996. On that day, we vowed to respect each other. We vowed to grow old together. We vowed to stick together, through thick and thin, in sickness and in health.
At first, our relationship flourished. We celebrated each other’s successes as if they were our own. When tragedy struck, we mourned together. But when the honeymoon ended, we found that we hardly knew one other. Now, after two decades, we sometimes struggle to recall what we saw in each other in the first place. Because, two decades into our new democracy, it feels as though we are drifting apart.
Part of the problem is that we – as black South Africans – are still made to feel inferior because of the colour of our skin. And this inferiority complex runs deep. I remember growing up how we used to refer to successful black South Africans as ‘ngamla’ (a white person). And I cannot tell you how many times I am told by black South Africans that I have “done well” because I happen to be married to a white woman. Apartheid was so dehumanising that, too often, even today, white people remain the benchmark that we set ourselves. How can this be?
As black South Africans, we are entitled to ask uncomfortable questions. We are entitled to ask why a black child is 100 times more likely than a white child to grow up in poverty. We are entitled to ask why a white learner is six times more likely to get into university than a black learner. We are entitled to ask why the unemployment level of young black South Africans is well over 60%.
There is a passage in Niq Mhlongo’s novel, After Tears, which captures the hopelessness so many feel. After graduating from university, the protagonist in the story arrives back in the township only to be told by his Uncle’s friend:
“If you’re black and you failed to get rich in the first year of our democracy, when Tata Mandela came to power, you must forget it, my bra. The gravy train has passed you by and, like me, you’ll live in poverty until your beard turns grey. The bridge between the stinking rich and the poor has been demolished. That is the harsh reality of our democracy.”
All South Africans – black and white – must talk about the persistence of racialised inequality twenty years after the end of Apartheid. And, if we believe this government has failed to redress Apartheid’s legacy, we must say that as well.
There can be no conversation more important than this one. It is a conversation we must keep having until the structural inequalities of our society have been flattened. This conversation is interrupted, however, every time a racist incident hits the headlines and explodes onto social media. Suddenly, we are back to square one. The injury of racial inequality is compounded by the insult of racism. It is like pouring salt in a deep wound. No wonder so many people are angry about racism. I am one of them.
So, today, I say: this far and no further. It is time to draw a line in the sand against racism. Now I know that there are many people in South Africa of all races who truly believe in non-racialism. I know that the vast majority of white people don’t think like Penny Sparrow does.
And I know that many, many South Africans are playing their part to redress the legacy of the past. But I also know that, for every racist incident that makes the front pages and trends on Twitter, there are hundreds that don’t. I know that there are people who talk to each other around the braai as if they were still living in the 1970s. And we all know somebody who is fond of starting a sentence with “I’m not a racist, but…”
Because, for every incident of overt racism, there are thousands of instances of casual, everyday racism: Talking down to people, laughing when people pronounce an English word incorrectly, not bothering to acknowledge people, believing somebody’s accent is a sign of their intelligence.
These are all subtle forms of racial superiority, and it is time we all acknowledged how damaging they are. Repeated over time, they erode the goodwill that once existed be-tween us.
It is equally important to acknowledge that racism is not the preserve of any one group. To say that black people are not capable of prejudice is itself a twisted form of racism.
As Advocate Thuli Madonsela reminds us:
“Being a victim of systemic racism and structural racial discrimination does not exempt you from being a racist.”
I could not agree more. We all have the capacity for greatness, and we all have the capacity for prejudice. That is what equality is about.
Fellow South Africans.
I still believe that most people in our country – black and white – feel a deep and abiding sense of shared destiny. More than anything, they want this imperfect union to succeed. And yet we are talking past each other, and we are not listening to each other. When we do listen, it’s like the meaning is lost in translation.It reminds me of the great poem by Roger McGough entitled “You and I”. It goes like this:
I explain quietly. You
hear me shouting. You
try a new tack. I
feel old wounds reopen.
You see both sides. I
see your blinkers. I
am placatory. You
sense a new selfishness.
I am a dove. You
recognize the hawk. You
offer an olive branch. I
feel the thorns.
You bleed. I
see crocodile tears. I
withdraw. You
reel from the impact.
Fellow South Africans, we need to find each other again. We need to recognise what we saw in each other all those years ago. I am not going to stand here and pretend I have all the answers. I don’t think anybody does. What I do know is that any road to reconciliation starts with a conversation. So, over the coming weeks, as Leader of the Official Opposition, I will initiate a series of dialogues on race entitled ‘Stand Up, Speak Out’ involving South Africans from all walks of life. These dialogues will not be dominated by public representatives, nor will they be conduct-ed under a party political banner.
People have had enough of politicians telling them how to think and what to feel. It’s time to let people talk for a change. Having said that, as a political leader, I have specific responsibilities that I will not shy away from. And, as Leader of the Democratic Alliance, I am all too aware of the unique challenges we face as a party. We are trying to do what very few parties have achieved anywhere in the world. We are attempting to bring people together across the colour line on the basis of shared values.
I want to be clear that this does not mean we must ignore race. When I was elected in May last year, I told the delegates at our Federal Congress “if you don’t see that I’m black, then you don’t see me.” Racial injustice is real and we need to redress it. We cannot wish it away by pretending to be colour-blind. I am proud of the fact that the DA is the most diverse political party in South Africa’s history. I am proud that we stand up for the rights of each individual to be what they want to be, regardless of the colour of their skin. But the DA is not perfect. No political party is. And I want to be quite clear about where I stand.
We have a duty, all of us, to act against those who engage in racial discrimination and racial mobilisation. Because there is no place in the DA for people who believe that the colour of their skin renders them superior to others. No DA member must be satisfied until we have fundamentally addressed the structural inequality in our society. We must build a society based on freedom, fairness and opportunity. And no DA member must ever turn a blind eye to racism, no matter how subtle or coded. We need to call people out on their behaviour, even when confronting them makes us feel uncomfortable. We have a duty to stand up and speak out for our values.
Because racists are not welcome in the DA. And if you’re a racist and you are thinking of voting for the DA, please don’t. We are not the party for you. I will not tolerate racism in the party I lead. This is why I will soon be introducing an anti-racism pledge that every new and returning member will be required to sign when they join the party.
It will read like this:
I pledge to uphold the values of the Constitution, to cherish its vision for a united, non-racial, democratic South Africa, and to nourish this vision in my personal conduct.
I acknowledge that Apartheid was an evil system, and recognise that its legacy remains reflected in the unequal structure of South African society today.
I reject discrimination in all its forms, and pledge to help root it out wherever I encounter it in South Africa.
I will not perpetuate racial division, and will never undermine the dignity of my fellow South Africans.
Instead, I will commit myself to working to overcome inequality and achieving shared prosperity.
Members found to be in clear violation of this oath will have their party membership immediately revoked, no questions asked.
Today, I challenge all political parties from all sides of the spectrum to do the same. Let us send out a message that racism has no place in our politics. The DA may be the most diverse party in South Africa, but we are not diverse enough. We must continue to embrace the rich diversity of South Africa – with all its challenges and contradictions. If we do not, we will not be able to have an honest conversation about our divided past, nor will we be in a position to craft our shared future. And so, from today, I will require our structures, at constituency, regional and provincial levels, to set targets for the recruitment and development of candidates for public office. These targets, and the progress made towards achieving them, will be reviewed regularly by the Federal Executive.
My objective is to ensure that, by 2019, our parliamentary and legislature caucuses, and our decision-making structures at all levels, reflect the diversity of our complex society. And we will do it without resorting to dehumanising quotas that reduce human beings to statistics.
Finally, in the coming weeks I will introduce a policy document for adoption at our Federal Council that sets out a vision for a fair South Africa. It will contain a focused plan to overcome the structural inequalities that continue to divide us. At its heart is the recognition that the majority of black South Africans remain locked out of opportunity. The policy identifies the key obstacles to redressing this inequality, including: our unequal education system, skewed patterns of land ownership, uneven access to justice and the concentration of capital in a few hands.
Ultimately, the only way to redress Apartheid’s legacy is to ensure that every child, no matter what their circumstances, has a fair chance to become the best they can be.
This means Black Economic Empowerment that benefits poor black South Africans. It means ensuring that black South Africans benefit from an efficient and sustainable land reform programme. It means a focus on spatial development that undoes the separate and unequal development of Apartheid. It means ensuring that all our children receive an education that prepares them to compete with anyone in the world. And it means building an inclusive and growing economy that creates jobs, so that all may prosper together.
In conclusion, there can be no denying that we stand at a difficult juncture in our history. But I know we can overcome any challenge if we stand together. We have done it before and we shall do it again. I draw inspiration from the first treason trial in 1956. We must never forget that black, Indian, white and coloured South Africans stood trial together that year. They were united around shared values: the ideals of a non-racial South Africa, and the freedom of black people. We must continue this struggle. So let us stand together against racism. Let us acknowledge and confront the harsh material realities that so many black South Africans still face. Let us find each other again. Let us build a nation where we can prosper together. And let us go into the future, as one people, with a shared destiny.
I thank you.

If you was like me and wondered what was with the answers and figure of Honorable Amama Mbabazi on the #UGDebate16. Now he went on the first radio program after that. This is just days after and 30 days to go polls.
Why I react today is that he said this on the radio today:
“I have never left the NRM. I just happen to be an NRM member who wants change”.
Whatever he will say the rest of the program doesn’t matter. He has lost something or forgot something. Why is he still trying to be loyal to NRM? It might be true that you officially never left. The way you fired from being Primer Minister and losing your position in the party. Both Dr. Ruhakana Ruganda who took that place for you and how Justine Kasule Lumumba as the Secretary General in the NRM, both positions Honorable Amama Mbabazi had until recently.
In September 2014 he was fired from being the Prime Minister of Uganda. This happen after the PM was against the constitutional change in the party so that Mzee could be the presidential candidates for yet another time. So the power-struggle led to his downfall from the higher parts of hierarchy in the NRM party and in Government. The trying to topple the President Museveni and stealing the hot-seat, and becoming His Excellency in the ruling party were to be expected! That Mzee would not forgive him for trying to take his posistion as he has done before.

Then this happen in January 2015:
“NRM’s National Executive Committee has approved members of the NRM Secretariat who were recently appointed by the party chairman President Yoweri Museveni during December’s delegates conference” (NTV Uganda, 08.01.2016).
From there it has been issues lasting all summer with his ambitions of being presidential aspirant in the NRM, even when you had the new laws and amendment on the constitution of the Party to fix the motion to make it work; so that Mzee could continue as party Chairman and Presidential Candidate. This was something Amama Mbabazi at some point couldn’t accept. Because of that he lost his meal-ticket in the government and also in the party. That has apparently not stopped him. AS we have seen all through 2015 and beginning of 2016.
Now today he was on the 93.3 KFM Radio and he was quoted saying that he never left the party and was still a NRM member. That is conflicting since he is a so-called independent Candidate running also as the front-man for The Democratic Alliance (TDA), a loose based opposition alliance to counter the NRM, or was that not so?

He might be a member of the NRM since he is a NRA historical as some of the other presidential candidates pointed out at the debate this weekend. Still, it is suspect on his motives in opposition if he still feels loyalty to the party he has been running as Secretary General and been in different positions in Government for. That we already knew and his display on Saturday on the debate pointed that out. Though this one was on another level, like he we’re literally saying “I never left it, but I never really left it”. Either you did leave or got kicked out. Depends on how blatant you see the specifics of the actions of his former executive, and how he executed his order to when he was his subordinate. That is just me I guess. Since that is something that has died down and not really been discussed because everybody knows that you do not go against the king, and the king is Mzee, the executive who knows how to deal with those who wants his place. As he done with Bukenya and other before Mbabazi, for some reason that get forgotten now and then.
It is decent of man wanting change, though he still want’s be affiliated with NRM that he never left. That is bugging me; if he really wants change then he should try to distance himself from the former executive and his party, even if Amama Mbabazi feels ownership in it since he invested such a great piece of his life into it. The matter is the impression that he still feels so interconnected with the party that he has had issues with all through 2015. Still he points out he never left it. Still, is a member of the party while being a presidential candidate for Go-Forward and under the opposition TDA umbrella alliance who kept most of the essential opposition parties in the country.

If you don’t see something wrong in that, how is it possible to be viable as a opposition leader in the newly started Go-Forward party/group and becoming a presidential candidate in a alliance of opposition and still be a member of the ruling party! How can you live with that? Doesn’t add up, there is an extra piece in the puzzle and shouldn’t be there, because Amama Mbabazi should be either or?

He can’t be a part of the ruling party and be an opposition at the same time, it’s like Pepsi will be Coca-Cola or Coca-Cola trying to be Pepsi. He can’t be part of the ruling party while being in opposition, that doesn’t work; he can support the ruling party, but not be genuine part of it. That is a hard task since you should represent a different approach and reaches other parts of the public and citizens then the ruling-party; also address the issues in the country in another way then the ruling party. Hon. Amama Mbabazi has to distance himself if not he will look more like a knock-off version of Mzee, something that will not be going forward instead going backwards into the same snake-pit that eats the government funds like ants going after sugar.

Amama Mbabazi have a great issues if he is still part of the National Resistance Movement; even if he didn’t take part of the general conferences and other bigger councils in the previous year; this after his sacking as the Prime Minister. The issue is that he can’t be a serious opposition candidate while being affiliated with NRM. That is not a great way and paved way into change, that is a goal and manifesto that his outfit now is supposed to have. Go-Forward or is it Go-Forward-NRM, since you never left? Then there are issues for CP, PPP, JEEMA and DP who still is a part of the TDA, are they supporting a NRM-ish candidate or are they supporting a opposition candidate against Mzee?
Mzee is the ruling party and its commander as he has been from the get-go, Amama Mbabazi have been a loyal subject and subordinate to him, therefore seems to be embedded to him still; that is natural for him and therefore he was acting like he was on the #UGDebate16, that was cleaning himself of the actions of his past. This answer proves also the clear past that everybody knows and why you can ask questions to his real motivations as a Go-Forward and TDA Presidential Candidate while calling himself a member of the Ruling Party NRM. That does not make sense.

Any member of NRM are allowed to want change and make a difference, though to a state that they cannot break the chain in command and go against its Mzee. Go-Forward can’t be independent and opposition while their leader still affiliates with the ruling party. Then their mixing their roles and isn’t either or… A boat has to have harbor where it sets sails from, right now he seems to be middle of the sea and hasn’t decided which harbor that he want to anchoring at. He is either anchoring at NRM or at the Opposition. That should not be confused or played around with. Amama Mbabazi who has been a political person for so long should know this simple rules of engagement and codes of conduct as man involved in the politics.
Go-Forward has many former NRM as it is natural, as they have former men from Activist4Change, FDC and other opposition parties, even people who haven’t been affiliated with any party before. Therefore it is centered on the faith and belief that Amama Mbabazi will bring change and difference, be a viable candidate who can become the President. He tried to become the Presidential Candidate through the NRM during summer which leads to NRM CEC meeting during July 2015. So the issues is that it seems the man is either not sure what he is or who he sends the message for, if he really want to be president on his own behalf or want to have loyalty towards the NRM. Go-Forward is a fresh party and built around him. Go-Forward has alliance and built a machine around the TDA. This can’t be a sideshow to the NRM, and if so: they are not really opposition.

I feel that if he was saying the truth at the radio, than he is a NRM member who runs a Opposition party in an Opposition Alliance. That sounds wrong in all ways and make his Go-Forward/TDA/NRM kind of constellation mixed of ruling-party and opposition, so how does that goes on a political scale between liberation force and wish of change, and is the change that you’re going to be you hopefully getting the executive power and becoming the president, or making a genuine change in a new NRM outfit named Go-Forward. That is an honest question, because if you are a NRM member, then Go-Forward is a NRM-outfit since the creator is still being a part of them. That is what I struggle with and makes his quote and words on the radio worrying. But that is just me. Let me clear: there is not possible to be part of the ruling-party and opposition at the same time. That is something that everybody understands. Except of JPAM aka Amama Mbabazi aka Deflectionator. Deflectionator, I am just kidding. I had to. Peace.
