Third term extravanganza in East Africa – Country for country

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In this day and age we have peoples in power who wish to stay there. They stay in power on overtime. They change the constitution and amendments to make sure that they can get re-elected. The irony is that many of this leaders accepted when they came into power the new constitutions and laws. After a while and their terms running out they have to switch the laws for their own purpose. The laws are supposed to be for the best of their countries and not one person or party. Therefore you see reactions in these nations as they see that their leaders continue at any cost. This makes people to react like they did in DRC in January while Joseph Kabila opted for a third term. The coup in Burundi was another type of reaction to their president Pierre Nkurunziza changed the law so he could run for a third term. Also the public reacted to it. It’s also happening in Rwanda where the RPF and their president Paul Kagame will change laws so he can run for a third term. They are following the suit of President Museveni in Uganda. Who came to power with the rifles in 1986 and made a constitution in 1995. And abolished the term limits in 2005. And is soon running again in 2016, in this piece I will describe the position of the countries land by land in the East Africa. This is from Burundi to Uganda.

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Burundi:

In the end of April in 2015 the Constitutional Court made an amendment that gave CNDD-FDD party flagbearer Pierre Nkurunziza an possibility to stand as a president for the third term. His first term was he selected by the parliament and not the people in 2005, the second term he was elected through elections in 2010. So this spring the President made moves to secure power again and break with the Arusha Agreement to secure himself more years as president of Burundi. There was supposed to be an election after the new amendment was passed this year. Parts of the military went on a coup d’etat when the President Nkurunziza was in Tanzania on an EAC conference. The Coup was squashed quickly. But the protest has continued. The election has been postponed. There has been refugees going to DRC, Tanzania and Rwanda following the protest against a third term for Pierre Nkurunziza. But the opposition and the protest against the third term has not stopped in the country since the last election. The violence between government army and the protesters are continuing. And the official election for his third term is still to come.

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Democratic Republic of Congo:

In Democratic Republic of Congo the son of the late assassinated Laurent-Desire Kabila, Joseph Kabila has been in charge since 2001. His first election was won in 2006. Already in 2011 he got won the election the second time. Now since the spring Joseph Kabila has worked on making sure he could get a third term. There been responses from opposition and NGOs. #Telema protest happened in January when the draft for third term was made. Still been silence from the government since then. But there has been movement again during late summer and July.

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Kenya:

In Kenya they got a new constitution in 2010. The constitution specifies that the President have a certain limit of two terms. The last President of Kenya was Mwai Kibaki he led the country from 2002-2007. He won the second election in 2007 that lasted to 2013. In 2013, some issues from the opposition to the winning election of Uhuru Kenyatta the son of the first president of the newly independent Kenya Jomo Kenyatta. So the Supreme Court handled the case and gave Uhuru Kenyatta and his Jubilee Alliance their stamp on the first term for him. There are no current plans of changing the 2010 constitution to abolish or change the levels of terms for presidents in Kenya.

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Rwanda:

In Rwanda the RPA came to power after the genocide in 1994. After this the RPA became RPF is Rwandan Patriotic Front from the former Rwandan Patriotic Army. Paul Kagame was the Vice-President until 2000 when the National Assembly and government ministers elected him as president. In 2003 a new constitution came to force. Paul Kagame was relected in that year. Second election was in 2010 where he won in a landslide. Now he is working on tweaking the constitution to fix it so that Paul Kagame and the RPF can in power yet another term after next election.

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Tanzania:

Tanzania has a special place after Julius Nyerere was in charge of the country since independence from 1964 to 1985. The Constitution of Tanzania is from 1977. That says that the president can only be in charge for two terms of 5 years each. After Julius Nyerere reign this has been followed. The party that he started is still running the country. First was president after Nyerere was Ali Hassan Mwinyi from 1985 to 1995. After him came Benjamin Mpeka from 1995 to 2005. The recent President is stepping down Jakaya Kikwete after taking his two terms from 2005 to 2015. In the next election the Party of the Revolution (CCM) has choice been on the new president candidate John Magufuli. President Kikwete will not be like his neighbors who try to stay in power and make amendments to the constitution.

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Uganda:

Yoweri Kaguta Museveni came to power after a coup d’etat in 1986 to overthrow of Obote II and the interim government of Tito Okello who came with an army of rebels from Tanzania with support of Julius Nyerere. This was the NRA (National Resistance Army) who later became the NRM (National Resistance Movement). After being in power a long time the new constitution came into being 1995. The first presidential election in a one-part state was in 1996. The same was in 2001. Both of these elections President Museveni won landslides in the county. To change so that President Museveni could be voted in again, the Parliament abolished term limits that year and also opened for multiparty elections. In 2006 the first multiparty elections under the new regime happen and Museveni won a landslide in the election. The next election in 2011 was reported to be rigged by the regime and President Museveni won with 68%.. Right now he is preparing for yet another term as president of Uganda. After running the country since 1986 and he has “won” 4 elections and is making ready for his fifth. This election is going to be held in February 2016 and the nation is already gearing up for the primaries as we speak. In both the NRM party and also the opposition, though the Public Order Management Bill is putting restraint on dissidents from the NRM.

(This post was updated on 21.07.2015 – because of some wrong information. Its now corrected). Peace.

How the new counties will change for the constituencies before the Presidential General Election 2016 in Uganda – and which MPs it affects.

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Recently there been reports that yet again the government of Uganda has decided to split a certain numbers of counties into 39 new counties and in the end make the total amount of Member of Parliament (MPs) to 424 (Kisakye, 2015). This can only been seen as a calculated plan to gain more MPs by the government party to reign over this new counties. I will go through who will have to fight for new constituency and votes in newly created counties that the government wishes. This will be after the list that was on the Observer. I will take district after district. An over time I think you’ll see a pattern.

Agago County MPs:

Who? Party:
John Amos Okot NRM
Judith Franca Akello FDC

Amuria County MPs:

Who? Party:
Francis Musa Ecweru NRM

Manjiya County MPs:

Who? Party:
David Wakikona NRM

Bukedea County MPs:

Who? Party:
George Stephen Ekuma NRM
Rose Akol Okullu NRM

Bukomansimbi County MPs:

Who? Party:
Deogratius (Deo) Kiyingi DP
Susan Namaganda DP

Bulambuli County MPs:

Who? Party:
Irene Nafuna Muloni NRM
Midimi Wamakuyu NRM

Dokolo County MPs:

Who? Party:
Felix Okot Ogong NRM
Cecilla Barbera Atim Ogwal FDC

Gomba County MPs:

Who? Party:
Rosemary Muyinda Najjemba NRM
Kyabangi Katusiime Nakato NRM

Kilak County MPs:

Who? Party:
Gilbert Olanya Independent
Betty Bigombe Atuku NRM

Dodoth East – Kaabong County MPs:

Who? Party:
Samson Lokeris NRM

Bulamogi County – Kaliro District MPs:

Who? Party:
Kenneth Lubago Independent
Flavia Nabugere NRM

Kibuku County MPs:

Who? Party:
Moses Saleh Wilson Kamba NRM
Sarah Mwebaza Wanene NRM

Nyabushozi County MPs:

Who? Party:
Fred Mwesigye NRM
Beatrice Rusaniya Namala Barumba NRM

Kibanda County MPs:

Who? Party:
Sam Owor Amooti Otada Independent
Helen Kahunde NRM

Chua County MPs:

Who? Party:
Henry Okello Oryem NRM
Beatrice Anywar Atim FDC

Kole County MPs:

Who? Party:
Fred Ebil UPC
Joy Ruth Acheng UPC

Kumi County MPs:

Who? Party:
Patrick Oboi Amuriat FDC
Christine Hellen Amongin Aporu NRM

Kiboga West County MPs:

Who? Party:
Samuel Ssemugaba NRM
Ann Maria Nankabirwa NRM

Kyaka County MPs:

Who? Party:
William Ngabu Kwemara NRM
Flavia Kabahenda Rwabuhoro NRM

Mwenge North County MPs:

Who? Party:
David Muhumuza NRM

Luuka County MPs:

Who? Party:
John B.  Ngobi Bagoole Independent
Evelyn Naome Mpagni N. Kaabule NRM

Maracha County MPs:

Who? Party:
Alex Onzima Independent
Ruth Molly  Ondoru Lematia NRM

Kashari County MPs:

Who? Party:
Yaguma Wilberforce NRM

Ruhinda County MPs:

Who? Party:
Kahinda Otafiire NRM
Jovah Kamateeka NRM

Matheniko County MPs:

Who? Party:
Dr. John Baptist Lokii NRM

Aruu County MPs:

Who? Party:
CD Oketayot Lowila NRM
Samuel Otto Odonga FDC

Kooki County MPs:

Who? Party:
Amos Mandera NRM

Mawogola County MPs:

Who? Party:
Sam Kahamba Kutesa NRM
Anifa Kawooya Bangirana NRM

Soroti County MPs:

Who? Party:
Michael George Mukula NRM
Peter Omolo FDC
Angelline Osegge FDC

Okoro County MPs:

Who? Party:
Stanley Oribdhogu Omwonya NRM

Butebo County MPs:

Who? Party:
Stephen Oscar Malinga NRM

Tororo County MPs:

Who? Party:
Geofrey Ekanya FDC

Kibaale County MPs:

Who? Party:
Frank Kagyigyi Tumwebaze NRM

Aringa County MPs: (Will be three more districts)

Who? Party:
Achile Manoah Mile UPC
Abason Huda Oleru NRM

Bugahya County MPs:

Who? Party:
James Kiiza Rwebembera NRM

Koboko County MPs:

Who? Party:
Ahmed Awongo NRM
Margreth Diri Bara NRM

Kassanda County MPs:

Who? Party:
Godfrey Lubega Independent
Thembo George William Nyombi NRM

East Moyo County MPs:

Who? Party:
Moses Ali NRM
Jesica Ababiku Independent

In numbers of the MPs that is on the line and getting new districts to get votes for re-elections in the 2016 elections. This here will be decisive for them. AS you can see that even some district has big birds and people who have been in the wind for a long time like Otafiire from Ruhinda County. But now let me show the numbers:

Party: Total MPs: Percentage:
NRM (National Resistance Movement) 45 69%
FDC (Forum for Democratic Change) 8 12%
DP (Democratic Party) 2 3%
UPC (Uganda People’s Congress) 3 4.6%
Independent 7 10.7%
Total Sum of MPS: 65 100%

This should be call on how the NRM wish to split the votes in certain areas so that they can eat more of the votes in next election. That they can take more of the independent votes and also from the opposition parties like FDC.

Uganda regions

Let me show the areas that are being split not just name of main counties. Since Uganda has been split to smaller and smaller fractions and now is hard to remember where the “original” bigger counties where before they got into the humongous number of 424. So let see here:

Part of the Country Total Couties:
Buganda VI – 6
Ankole IIII – 4
Kigezi 0 – 0
Toro II – 2
Bunyoro II – 2
Acholi VI – 6
West Nile IIII – 4
Lango II – 2
Karamoja I – 1
Teso III – 3
Sebei 0 – 0
Bugisha 0 – 0
Bukedi II – 2
Busoga V – 5
Total Counties: 37

(Aringa County will become three counties – North/South and Yumbe)

Numbers game:

If you can quickly see it’s the central regions that have a certain level of changes like in the Ankole, Busoga, Bunyoro and Buganda. The number of counties which is changing in the central/eastern is 17 of 39. Other areas that are also getting a renovation from the government are the Acholi, West Nile and Karamoja which is the Northern parts of Uganda. The total of areas that will be changed is 13 of 39Those total 30 of the 39. So it’s easily to see where the main changes are happening. Sometimes in the heartland of the opposition parties than in the Movement territory, so if you think otherwise. Look at the numbers and see even if this is going after 69% of the MPs are NRM. We all know that around Mbale and up north has voted for DP more than NRM in history. FDC is also gaining more grown in eastern, central and western areas. Therefore NRM fearing this, FDC candidate even won in Amuru by-election in November 2014. So that the Government is making a change in the districts around isn’t surprising. But let’s look at the other part of this changes that I haven’t touched on yet. Not the number game, but the real election game.

Election game:

This strategy is amazing. The way you split counties to reassure and get more loyalty from the new LDC then before. Therefore doing this so close to the election makes the 40 new counties and 40 new MPs. Also open up new constituency and voter’s numbers that need to be secure to get the MP for a county in. Thirdly and last point is that the history of voting in an area get diminish because the new counties. This will lead to smaller counties and need less people to vote the MP in the area. That can be either a gift or a curse. That the counties are getting to be smaller populations so that their easier to manipulate since their no current voting history in this counties. So that the loyalist will get more positions during next elections and also getting new LDCs that will supposedly to give the local community more control and also support the governments work in the areas. Like getting supervision over the primary school and police I guess. But we all know that this is more securing the NRM government more control over the areas and getting the loyal supporters of the Mzee becoming MPs and also making new counties to disfranchise the opposition if possible. That this  areas are also in places where the Independent MPs are coming from and just a few big shots like Kahinda Otafiire. I look forward to see the results from the Presidential General Election of 2016. Hope you do as well in the new counties and see if the MPs from the 9th Parliament will arrive from the new counties.

Just a by the way – on the information flow:

The irony of it all, I couldn’t find the MPs on the Parliaments own site or government official sites online. I found the best by the sites that are targeted by the government. Like the lists from Uganda at Heart had an awesome and amazing list. Second list was from an anti-corruption NGO from Uganda. So the one that isn’t supposed to be friendly with the government is the one that has organized it the best and that is a rare instance. Because a brother expect to easily see who represent them. Taxation with representation, the parliament page of the Ugandan government isn’t sufficient or a page that is really working. Hope that Hostalite and make them a better page indeed. And the Parliament Watch site was ten times better. Where I could double check the result of the General Election of 2011 was from the elected MPs from the Electoral Commission of Uganda. I am grateful that one supposed to be unbiased governmental institution has certain information to the public so I could verify what I found at Uganda at Heart and also the information from Parliamentary Watch. Thanks! Peace.

Reference:

Kisakye, Frank – ‘Govt creates 39 new counties, number of MPs rises to 424’ (15.07.2015) Link: http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/38782-govt-creates-39-new-counties-mps-rise-to-424

WikiLeaks Series – Pre-2010 General Election in Burundi: Part Four

This here now will be a part of series of WikiLeaks discoveries on Burundi. For people who are not part of the Francophone world a lot of the information here will be new. Therefore I choose to drop it. It will be all pre 2010-Election in Burundi. This series will be directly about the preparation of the 2nd term of President Pierre Nkurunziza and his party the CNDD-FDD. This is part IV. Enjoy!

Radjabu and UPD history:

“Hussein Radjabu fought in the bush with President Pierre Nkurunziza and Chief of Intelligence Adolphe Nshimirimana, reportedly appointing them to the roles in the CNDD-FDD that they parlayed into their current positions. In 2002, he created the UPD-Zigamibanga as a strategic alternative when, before beginning demobilization, the CNDD-FDD was still negotiating political party registration” (…) “In February 2007, the CNDD-FDD party congress ousted Radjabu, a move most observers believe was to strengthen Nkurunziza’s control of the party. Police arrested Radjabu and a group of his supporters in April 2007, charging them with “threatening state security.” In April 2008, Radjabu was found guilty and sentenced to 13 years imprisonment (ref A); subsequent appeals have been denied. After the trial, Radjabu’s lawyer, Prosper Niyoyankana, claimed the trial did not proceed according to the rule of law, but according to the goals of the ruling party. He stated, “In this case, the judges are tools for the ruling party like a pen in the hands of a writer.” (…) “The UPD’s president is Radjabu’s cousin Mohamed Feruzi, but Radjabu is openly acknowledged as the party’s true leader. The UPD’s representative in Makamba province, Egide Ndayizeye, referred to Radjabu as the party’s “advisor,” informing PolOff during a June 24 meeting that “Father Radjabu” remains very active from jail” (…) “Nevertheless, in the past Radjabu has reportedly courted and received monetary support from donors in Islamic nations such as Saudi Arabia, Libya, the Sudan and Iraq” (…) “Egide Ndayizeye claims people are turning from the CNDD-FDD because of the party’s failure to fulfill its promises and to the UPD because the party promises development, peace and reconciliation. Ndayizeye stated that since the UPD’s July 2008 start in Makamba province, the party’s popularity has grown to over 80% in Nyanza-Lac and 70% in Makamba, the province’s two largest cities. Nyanza-Lac is also the fourth-largest city in Burundi” (…) “Sources indicate that Radjabu has never forgiven his former bushmates and colleagues for his expulsion and cares more that Nkurunziza’s CNDD-FDD falls from power than that UPD achieves any significant electoral victories for itself” (…) “Radjabu’s 13-year sentence was harsher than most observers expected, leading to speculation that President Nkurunziza’s administration used its influence to sideline and silence Radjabu (ref A) before the 2010 election process moves into high gear” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

FBI investigated the murder on Manirumva:

“Government of Burundi in investigating the murder of anti-corruption NGO OLUCOME’s vice president and chief investigator, Ernest Manirumva (ref A); the GoB accepted the offer April 21. In an April 28 meeting with Special Agent Horton and the RSO, however, Stanislas Nimpagaritse, the president of the Independent Commission assigned to investigate the case, refused to show Horton the evidence accumulated to that point, stating that he had no orders to do so” (…) “Horton and the RSO met with 1st Vice-President Yves Sahinguvu on April 29 to clarify the FBI,s role” (…) “he could to ensure that the FBI was given complete access to all evidence and received full cooperation from the Commission. He underscored the GoB,s commitment to conducting a thorough, transparent investigation, fully aided and supported by the FBI, to demonstrate that the process is genuine” (…) “The Manirumva murder has caused serious concern among the international and NGO communities, and inspired a strong sense in this conspiracy-prone nation that the government or some elements thereof are behind it. Manirumva was known to be investigating cases involving corruption at high levels among the police, intelligence services, Finance Ministry and others. Consequently, the news that the GoB had accepted the offer of FBI assistance was greeted with significant relief and hope that the real perpetrators and their masters – whoever they are – will be brought to justice” (…) “The 1st Vice President, who discussed the FBI assistance offer with President Nkurunziza, seems genuinely committed to pursuing the case wherever it leads. He clearly understood that an FBI report stating that the GoB was uncooperative in the investigation would feed the conspiracy theorists and convince the public that the government was indeed behind the assassination” (…) “Horton discovered that the victim,s cell phone records stopped at 19:00 the day of his murder, although it is believed that the murder occurred sometime after 23:00. When asked why the records did not cover the hours immediately surrounding the murder, police dismissed the records gap and stated without further explanation that the later records were somehow more difficult to obtain, and that the police were still waiting on the phone company to deliver them. One witness, however, claims that he saw a man in a police uniform at the victim,s home make a phone call to the victim,s phone well after 19:00. Similarly, the president of the Commission summarily dismissed a report from an eyewitness stating that he saw eight men, three wearing police uniforms, in the victim,s house the night of the murder. However, two informants currently external to the police investigation corroborate this story, and say that they believe the powerful intelligence service and police were involved” (…) “President Nkurunziza is using the FBI,s arms-length investigation to rid himself of the now too-powerful head of internal security Adolphe Nshimirimana (who may well be implicated); or whether the President and 1st VP genuinely want to find the murderers; the FBI is distinct value added to this process” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

Human Rights worker in the country:

“Eighty UN human rights employees work for the two administratively different but operationally seamless human rights agencies in Burundi. In addition to the 40 employees based at the headquarters in Bujumbura, 40 employees work in one of five field offices based in the interior of the country” (…) “The UN has done a great job establishing effective communication with GOB security forces. Each week, in coordination with civil society, the UN leads a meeting with police, intelligence, and military representatives to discuss and follow up on investigations and alleged human rights violations by security forces” (…) “The UN is doing extensive rehabilitation of Burundi’s judicial infrastructure throughout the country, and is providing logistical and financial assistance to the judicial branch to help expedite the overwhelming backlog of cases facing the court system. Thousands of cases remain to be handled, but thousands more have already been processed” (…) “Critics in civil society argue that the integration of the OHCHR into BINUB has prevented the UN from being more outspoken in criticizing GOB actions, as BINUB tries to limit its political exposure. For example, BINUB is part of a group of international actors negotiating the provisions of a cease-fire agreement between Burundi’s last rebel group, the FNL, and the GOB. According to one civil society critic, in order for the UN to maintain its “neutrality” in the negotiations, it cannot be overcritical of the government, lest it find itself on the wrong side of the GOB and no longer an effective negotiator” (…) “high-ranking Hutu member of President Nkurunziza’s staff told the director of UN human rights operations in Burundi that the UN and its agenda is manipulated by its mostly Tutsi local staff and therefore not reliable. Opposition parties’ representatives also told Embassy officials in January that even if UN human rights criticisms complement their own condemnations of the ruling party, it is difficult to assess if the UN has a meaningful impact” (Wikileaks, 2009).

Electoral code:

“Minister Nduwimana’s proposal has the electoral process beginning with presidential elections and calls for multiple ballots – one for each candidate” (…) “In the 2005 elections a separate color-coded ballot was used for each candidate, which the CNDD-FDD claimed helped illiterate voters select their preferred candidates. In those elections, CNDD-FDD local leaders pressed voters to return their unused ballots, thus revealing their votes” (…) “Opposition party leaders have often predicted that the CNDD-FDD would push for presidential elections first, saying that President Nkurunziza is more popular than his party and CNDD-FDD candidates in subsequent local elections would gain momentum from Nkurunziza’s popularity. CNDD party president Leonard Nyangoma and FRODEBU spokesperson Pancrase Cimpaye informed Embassy officials on July 16 that the GoB’s proposed Electoral Code amendments, in addition to violating the spirit of the consensus-building project, also violate Burundi’s constitution” (…)”pposition party leaders have asked the international community to weigh in with the GoB and encourage it to put the consensus draft to the parliament. Some political party representatives, including FRODEBU General Secretary Frederic Bamvuginyumvira, said to EmbOff July 16 that everything should be done to prevent the government’s draft from going before parliament because, he asserted, it will cause political deadlock” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

The elected individuals of the National Independent Electoral Commission:

“The Burundian Senate and National Assembly confirmed February 13 President Nkurunziza’s nomination of five individuals to the National Independent Electoral Commission (CENI), voting 41-5 and 108-4 in favor, respectively” (…) “President Pierre-Claver Ndayicariye, a Hutu with no party affiliation, who once served as Minister of Communication under ex-President Buyoya but has been involved with civil society since 2006” (…) “Vice-President Marguerite Bukuru, a Tutsi with no party affiliation, who served in several Ministerial positions in the early 90s” (…) “Prosper Ntahogwamiye, a Hutu, who is the Chief of Staff in the Ministry of Solidarity and a member of the Front for Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU) political party” (…) “Julius Bucumi, a Hutu, who is a member of the Judges Council of the Supreme Court and of the ruling CNDD-FDD political party” (…) “Adelaide Ndayirorere, a Tutsi, who is a senior staff member at the Central Bank and a member of the Union for National Progress (UPRONA) political party” (WikiLeaks, 2009).

EAC Secretariat Deputy Secretary General Beatrice Kiraso thoughts on the Elections 2010:

“shared concerns about the lack of international oversight of Burundi’s peace process and agreed on the need to establish a facilitation mechanism should things go awry in Burundi’s elections process” (…) “Per Kiraso, the electoral support mission found that Burundi’s CENI has the confidence of the population, but is lacking the capacity to coordinate all election observer activities” (…) “Kiraso reported that the EAC is tentatively planning to send a team of six to eight eminent persons to Burundi as long-term observers beginning in February 2010. In the second phase of election monitoring, the EAC proposes to send two observers to each province one month before Burundi’s May elections” (…) “Kiraso, who led the EAC mission, noted with disappointment the electoral support mission’s report had not yet been published. She reported that the November Council of Ministers insisted that the EAC’s report be endorsed by the Burundian government before publication. Tanzania, she confided, was the most opposed to publishing the report, even questioning the authority for EAC’s electoral support mission. She opined that Tanzania is concerned that the EAC is moving too fast towards regional integration. Uganda may also be nervous that a similar monitoring process might be used in its 2011 elections” (…) “Kiraso is keenly aware that the outcome of Burundi’s elections, whether positive or negative, will have regional ramifications: “The interest of the EAC is to ensure that peace and stability return permanently to the Republic of Burundi, otherwise there will be a spill-over effect on the rest of the region.” (WikiLeaks, 2010).

Afterthought:

I hope you have enjoyed the series and that it has given you some new knowledge on Burundi. It gave me a lot. Peace.

Reference:

WikiLeaks – ‘MINISTER OF INTERIOR PLAYS WITH ELECTORAL CODE’ (17.07.2009) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09BUJUMBURA339_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘RADJABU’S UPD PARTY GAINING GROUND’ (27.06.2009) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09BUJUMBURA356_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘AU SUMMIT — S/A WOLPE ENGAGES EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY ON BURUNDI ELECTIONS’ (18.02.2010) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/10ADDISABABA332_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘BURUNDI LAWMAKERS VOTE OVERWHELMINGLY FOR ELECTORAL COMMISSION’ (18.02.2009) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09BUJUMBURA83_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘BURUNDI: UN FIELD COVERAGE OF HUMAN RIGHTS’ (03.02.2009) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09BUJUMBURA60_a.html

WikiLeaks – ‘FBI INVESTIGATES MANIRUMVA MURDER’ (06.05.2009) Link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09BUJUMBURA222_a.html

The Electoral Commission – Press Release: Adm72/01 – Display of the National Voters Register 22th July to 11th August 2015 (13.07.2015)

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Press Release: EAC deploys Regional Medical and Public Health Emergency Support Teams to Refugee Camps in Kigoma, Tanzania and Eastern Province of Rwanda (13.07.2015)

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Uganda – Letter from the UPF Police HQ to the FDC – OPS/175/219/01: ‘Notification of Public Meetings’ (13.07.2015)

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Dr. Kizza Besigye on his recent arrest and Mugisha Muntu on suspending his Campaign (Youtube-clips)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qNl5zwKRri0

Its healthy to be informed and here it from the them who is been accused again by the government of destroying public order. While their really trying to do just politicial actions to start campaigning as flag-bearers of the FDC and not ruin the nation. But the Mzee is thinking otherwise and shutting all oppisition down as expected since the rally for elections in 2016 has started. Peace.

Olara Otunnu spoke his peace on Amama Mbabazi (Twitter Quote) (24.06.2015)

OlaraOtunnuQuote of 24.June2015

Press Release: Didier Reynders concerned about reported fighting in northern Burundi (11.07.2015)

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Amama Mbabazi letters to IGP Gen. Kale Kayihura and Mbale DLC that was sent 16. June 2015 – On the Public Meeting in Mbale planned for 9. July 2015

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