


UBOS Press Release: Uganda – Consumer Price Index – February 2016







1st March 2016, Oslo
Dear His Excellency (H.E.) President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni!
It isn’t easy writing this letter to in this moment as your astonishing Police Force holds 300 FDC agents detained. At this moment Dr. Kizza Besigye is still under house-arrest, as you and your men does what you can destroy the evidence of a flawed election. That you claim to get 80 % of the votes; While your cadre Dr. Badru Kiggundu only gave 60%. If it was so, why were there more army men in the streets than people celebrating your massive victory? That meagre display of people happens after the Electoral Commission announced you the winner of the 5th official term on the 20th February; I am still not giving in, if you have this whole term: it is your 7th. His Excellency, I can’t shave of a decade of your rule that is disrespectful towards you.
I have a hard time writing this word about you His Excellency as a Bush-war leader, a man who has sent so many of his citizens into battles in South Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Central African Republic and Somalia. It is hard to say your acting cowardly. Yes, President and commander-in-chief right now you’re acting as coward.

I know that there are many decisions to take in and to live with. As how to feed your cows and how many cars you need to travel between Mbarara and Kampala. How many you need to hire in the Special Forces Command. That his hard questions. Also it is how to be able to make yourself yet again president of the country you have been ruling since 1986.
The world is looking at your actions Mr. President. The notion of your ways getting viral now, not like when you first took power and could control the media and the people; the people can now spread information. Before the Executive get time to edit the news and message you want spread to the general public. I know that is hard to swallow as you want to rule and have the power of their minds. This is something that differs from earlier times and even when you tried to stop the social media. We know you dislike the Social Media, so during the Election Day and such you really showed how much you hate it; there is still ways of broadcasting there without the ordinary channels that you blocked. I know that hurt your pride and that your “Yes Men” didn’t know about that technical solution. During the Election Day he was also a coward to make sure that Kampala and Wakiso District got the polling material very late, while in Amuru and Kisoro had it on time. So it was cowardly to not give the same treatment everywhere especially with the short distance from the Electoral Commission office and the central region. A very cowardly move… That was so disrespectful actions from the EC and the regime toward the most populace area in the country.

Well, I called you coward Mr. President. I know that is disrespectful from a commoner like me. But the issue is that you’re disrespecting the people and the institutions you have facilitated. While attacking freedoms and liberty of other peoples in your country. That is why you’re a coward in my eyes. As you cannot and don’t have the ability to be questioned by your greatest opponent in court. Especially since you also selected the Electoral Commission and the way you have facilitated this General Election. The way the Police Force and Army has spread fear and been Partisan in your favour as they are on your pay-roll. All of this action’s shows that you’re a coward Mr. President, I know I am not supposed to say that, but I think you would understand as you didn’t give the opposition a same level between the opposition and your ruling party; The NRM your beloved NRM, Mr. President.
It is extraordinary how you have ordered the Police to rig the results and change the declaration forms, while detaining the FDC agents. That is because the original Polling Station forms would not be favour of you Mr. President. At the same time keeping the FDC Headquarter under siege and the house-arrest of Dr. Kizza Besigye; also keeping Hon. Amama Mbabazi under the same treatment on the other side of town. This proves your cowardice ways. As you could not manage the dirty laundry in public and put into systematic order during court sessions as the elections has been a shambles of procedure. Deep inside you, Mr. President you know, what I mean as you went to war because of rigged election. The rigged election of Mr. Paolo Muwanga in 1980 for Dr. Milton Obote. So that you do the same now proves how you have changed. The glory days are totally over for you!

Even with the Go-Forward and Amama Mbabazi petition. You’re still a coward. I mean that because you have acted cowardly. With surely cowardice ways of using all tools of oppression and governmental funds to secure the presidency! This is something you have prepared since the Kyankawazi Resolution during February 2014. That means that you have been two years ago. You have worked for the sole-candidacy and the road to the elections have showed you have become a coward. A sole-candidacy of a coward that can’t have a honest campaign or a honest result. Not even a honest speech or even honest pledges. As a coward you even had to recycle old pledges to look formidable in rural districts; that you only visit if there is rallies and campaigning Mr. President.
The disregard for the other parties to meet and consult their supporters for rallies and mobilization; while you could as president travel all around on government funded trips as a honourable gentlemen and leader. That proves your disregard and is a coward’s way of pre-campaigning.
The biggest coward move from you Mr. President was the booming hiring of unemployed youth in the Crime Preventers program. That was groups of youth used cowardly to intimidate opposition and the public, not securing the violent behaviour or security in general. Second cowardly behaviour was your Post-Election Violence budget and the new Personnel Armoured Vehicles (PAV) and special anti-riot vehicles just before the Election Day. That was cowardly of you and your brigade.

It isn’t easy saying you’re a coward. While the behaviour of the state your sponsor and the men you have around you make you look like a coward. You’re not acting like a proud man. This election and result is not an honest victory, if it had been so Mr. President. It would be more than Uganda Media Centre had celebrated your victory and you hadn’t felt the need to be with your cattle instead of your celebrating people. That is actions of coward.
The coward’s way continued with ban of social media and using the Uganda Communication to shut down radios and broadcasters who was not positive to you. Another cowardly move is how the Police continue to arrest and harass the journalist who follows the elections and the candidates as the ones that have lost their cameras, the ones that been detained, the ones that has been shot and so on. As you the coward you are complained at the state of journalism and the ethics they had while following your campaign trail. At one point Mr. President you suspended NTV Uganda from your trail. Others has felt your wreath and been detained and had to delete photos. You even called all Ugandan Newspapers rubbish and said you only read headlines and looked at the pictures. If you read some newspapers you might read and understand how people really feeling about you. I am sure your listening to your “Yes Men” like Hon. Frank Tumwebaze, Hon. Ofwono Opono and Hon. Dr. Ruhakana Ruganda; they will only tell you what you want to hear and not the truth, Mr. President!

Another cowardly move is the use of tear-gas and use of violence. You have also used mental violence through your hate speeches and sectarianism; something that counter the vision of you; Mr. President and you even speaks with that rhetoric as you called people around Kampala “rats” days before Election Day. Also Mr. President it is cowardly to say you are the only one who can keep the country safe. That is cowardly as you play your safety card and telling nobody else can; as most of the citizens hasn’t seen anybody else being a President.
If I offended you by calling you a coward, than I am not sorry! I am more sorry for the people behind bars, just for their political allegiance or belief in universal human rights. It cowardly not to let them counter your policies and your security outfits. It is cowardly that you not let them speak up and give them that freedom. Even one human rights activist had teaching in Namutumba district got detained for doing so! That is not peaceful and security that talk when you can’t teach youth about human rights without ending behind bars. That is a coward’s move Mr. President.
As long as you militarize politics and uses military as a tool to secure your power in the country you’re not a legitimate president. So long you use the police to harass your opposition and civil society, even citizens who are caring about politics and going to rallies. You’re a coward Mr. President. Because all of this shows that you don’t have faith in your presence or your policies. Mr. President it is strange that you don’t believe in your own programs and political framework. As it seems not to be strong enough to bring the masses or gain you goodwill. That shows the moral authority that has dwindled away over time as you have yet to fulfil ten-point program. You’re such a coward that you trust more in the Army and Police than in the political program of his beloved party!
So it is a sorry state Mr. President, your Excellency that I can call you a coward. I could have given you lot words. But that is the most fitting in the way you have threaten your opposition, given fear to your people and rigged this election to come out with honour. You’re not legitimate until the petition is sealed. President Museveni you might have run your country since 1986, but from the start of the pre-election period your actions has been of a man who acts like a coward. The cowardly move was to even amendment to Financial Management Act to make sure you had enough cash for your campaign funds. It proves how big of a coward you are when your opposition had to get funds from supporters; while you had the government funds or state funds to pay for your ferrying crowds and giving NRM village funds.

So I hope more people than me will call for what you are now. I know this will not make me popular, like Andrew Mwenda who is your golden mouthpiece. The worst thing is that you can’t shut me down. Still as long as you treat you’re opposition, your citizens and your government as your own playground, than I will continue to address you as a coward. As it is well deserved as a man who is a hero and democrat does not need armies deployed on the streets during elections, a man who has the public behind him and their votes would see people celebrate and not mourn. A man who has the legitimacy does not need army instead of the people. But you have always relied one the guns and not the votes as you only got one MP under the election in 1980. Than you used the guns and you still do. You we’re seen as a hero from taking the people away from totalitarian and despotic rulers; but now your alike them. You’re a coward who can’t leave power and a coward with government institutions and a arms. That is what you are, not the proud man who built possible democratic institutions, but instead depleted the ideals you built them on. Be proud of that, Mr. President officially a coward who is soon sworn-in for his seventh term. Peace.
Best Regards.
Writer of Minbane.

There have been some local, regional, and international media reports regarding a decision by Barclays Bank Plc to reduce its shareholding in Barclays Africa Group Ltd which involves twelve (12) African countries including Uganda. Barclays Bank Uganda Ltd. has since held two press conferences to clarify the details of these new developments.
Further to the clarifications offered by Barclays Bank, I wish to reassure the Ugandan public that the Barclays Bank Plc announcement does not affect the operations of Barclays Bank Uganda in any way and there will be no interruption to the services Barclays Bank Uganda Ltd extends to its customers.
The regulatory framework in Uganda ensures that any transitions of this nature are orderly and do not affect the soundness and stability of the financial sector as well as provision of financial services to customers.
Please note the following salient points
1. Commercial Banks in Uganda are incorporated locally and function as independent subsidiaries and not as branches. As such, Barclays Bank Uganda Limited is an independent subsidiary of the Barclays Bank Africa Group (in which Barclays Bank Plc owns 62.3% ) and is fully incorporated and registered in Uganda. Being a subsidiary, Barclays Bank Uganda has its own capital base, Management and an autonomous Board of Directors. This insulates the subsidiary from issues affecting the parent entity.
2. The Financial Institutions Act 2004 as amended by the Financial Institutions Amendment Act 2015 and associated regulations provides for a clear procedure for the disposal of Bank of Uganda supervised financial institutions’ shares. If the shareholders of any bank choose to dispose off their shares, the Bank of Uganda will undertake the necessary process of vetting new shareholders to ensure they are fit and proper to run a financial institution in Uganda.
3. Barclays Bank Uganda Limited remains solvent and liquid. It is well capitalised with a capital adequacy ratio well above the statutory minimum of 8.0 percent. The banking sector in Uganda as a whole has a strong asset and capital base with a capital adequacy ratio of 18.8 percent, as well as a relatively low level of nonperforming loans of about 5.3 percent as at December 2015.
I therefore wish to assure the Ugandan public and customers of Barclays Bank Uganda Ltd. in particular that there is no cause for concern arising from the media announcements by Barclays Bank Plc. Customers should therefore continue with their normal banking transactions without any anxiety. The Bank of Uganda is committed to prudent supervision and regulation of financial institutions in order to ensure the stability and soundness of the financial sector, as well as the safety of customers’ deposits.
Please direct any further enquiries to the Director Communications on calupo@bou.or.ug
Justine Bagyenda
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR SUPERVISION
BANK OF UGANDA

A lot has been said about Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) in the aftermath of the presidential and parliamentary elections.
What is becoming clear is that certain sections of people with vested interests are giving the President wrong information on KCCA’s role in the elections to try and cover up for their own inabilities or create room for their ill-motives to thrive.
There is no doubt that KCCA has undertaken massive infrastructure and service delivery initiatives that have positively turned around the image of the city. But this has never been smooth-sailing. Even as we battled to have KCCA undertake whatever projects it did, there were always forces whether from the opposition, the NRM or even mainstream government that opposed our (KCCA) firm and decisive approach to transforming Kampala. A lot of this opposition was based on selfish commercial interests. It is now visible that these forces are hoping to use these election results as an excuse to push through their agenda.Passing the KCCA budget in parliament every year was always a tag of war, but friendly forces in parliament mainly of NRM and a few from the opposition would see the logic of our efforts. Am happy and proud of the KCCA team led by Madam Musisi for all we achieved and still achieving.

As minister for Kampala, I chose to firmly support KCCA so as protect them from the unending political altercations and enable them to concentrate on their technical work. I am happy that visible progress has been made. So the poor performance of NRM in kampala in the recent elections, is a challenge that we need to correctly analyze as a party and not blame on KCCA. Therefore, those rushing to give the President biased information against KCCA are only trying to use the challenge of the party’s poor performance in Kampala as a blessing in disguise, to further their earlier on anti- KCCA Agendas. A honest conversation is required or else we risk undoing the great milestones we have painfully achieved in the city. Let us asses how potent our party’s campaign and mobilization strategy in Kampala and other urban areas generally was? However, in doing this, we must avoid falling prey to those who now see this as a chance to roll back the gains made under KCCA and return this city to the dark ages of disorder, filth, wheeler-dealing and corruption. Already I can see different groups pouring back on the streets of downtown Kampala with intention of returning the city to its old chaotic and filth state. This will not be accepted. We have informed the police and we expect their full support in this noble duty of regulating the city’s trade environment.

Kampala is the the image of uganda and its our nation’s signature mark. We must therefore decide how our image should look like. This is a must do irrespective of who is politically popular or unpopular in Kampala. As long as am still minister for Kampala, I will pursue this line with with neither fear nor indecisiveness!
Frank Tumwebaze, MP
Minister in Charge of the Presidency and Kampala Capital City, Government of Uganda

There been saying that there are similarities between the 1980s General Election and 2016 General Election when it comes to the Presidency and Parliament. Because of that I have checked and read some reports. Here is stories from the 1980 General Election, as the stories comes out and this here is not from articles from New Vision or Daily Monitor, this here is direct reports or educational-papers, even the international media and some of the people involved in the matter like Yusuf Lule and Paolo Muwanga. But there are lots of questions still, but the certainty of British involvement in the result and the outcome has surely come to mind. Here is some information and not just mere speculation to how the General Election went.
Background to the General Election 1980:
“Thus assured of support, Obote now moved in fact to destabilize the UNLF Government in Uganda. In this he found an ally in the Military Commission of the UNLF, whose Chairman Paulo Muwanga and Vice-Chairman, Yoweri Museveni, joined hands to stage a coup against the UNLF in May 1980. But Museveni was out maneuvered by the Obote-Muwanga clique. The latter rigged the December 1980 elections in their favor” (…)”Britain, in tum, manipulated the Commonwealth to send an “Observer Group” to witness the elections – a ploy that served to “legitimize” Obote’s victory, and thus secure the official suppon of all members of the United Nations and the OAU. Needless to add, Britain was the first country to recognize Obote’s fraudulent victory. Margaret Thatcher convinced the Americans to back the regime and to give the green light for IMF stand-by credits. The full regalia of a neo-colonial restructuring of Uganda was opened in front of all eyes to see. Obote was “the man of the hour”. Whilst Britain played a key role in legitimising Obote (through the mediation of the Commonwealth Secretariat), and later in providing him with assistance to train his army, the role other imperialists played must also be mentioned. The Germans, and in particular the Christian Democratic Party and its foundation the Konrad Adenaur Foundation, all linked with German monopolies, have had an historical interest in Uganda, and close ties with the mainly Catholic Party, the DP. They decided that in the interest of protecting broader Western interests in Uganda, Obote’s election “victory”, though fraudulent, must be recognized. The CDU played a significant role in convincing the DP to accept Obote on the grounds that since Obote had offered to “respect” a “multi-party system”, the DP still had a chance in the future” (Tandon, 1987).

From the 11th December 1980 Proclamation:
“The Chairman of the Military Commission, Mr. Paolo Muwanga, has issued a declaration regarding the confirmation of who shall be considered as having been elected a member of Parliament following the end of the 1980 General Elections” (…)”Any results declared otherwise than in compliance with the provision of the declaration shall not be valid or binding in any publication or such purported result by any means whatsoever” (…)”For the purpose of the 1980 elections to the National Assembly, section 47 of the National Assembly (Elections) Act shall be substituted by the following: “47A(a) when the result of the poll of a constituency has been ascertained, the returning officer shall make no public declaration of the finding but forthwith communicate it to the Chairman of the Military Commission with a confidential report on various aspects of the conduct of the election” (Muwanga, 1980).
The official Results:

Yusef Lule claims this:
“I accepted the cabinet on an interim basis. Once I got to Uganda. I shuffled my cabinet and brought in better people. In the 69 days, I tried to rectify the mistakes. For example, one of the roots of troubles in Uganda has been the recruitment of the army from only a few ethnic groups. The British had started this for their own reasons. But as soon as I was President in Uganda, I ordered the recruitment of soldiers from all elements of the population to make it a national army. Nyerere and Obote immediately saw their plan to sieze power after a year might be thwarted. From the moment on Nyerere withdrew from me the support of the Tanzanian troops that controlled the country” (…)”Nyerere insisted that Lule must resign even though the Consultative Council had no legislative powers. (Indeed, the Ugandan High Court ruled, in October 1980, that Lule’s removal had been unconstitutional)” (…)”Since then have come the Uganda elections of December 1980 and much fighting. Lule is highly critical of the Commonwealth Observer Group (COG) because they issued their much-publicized interim report stating the voting had been relatively free and open, before the results of the polls had been announced” (…)”After the Commonwealth statement, Muwanga, contrary to his supposedly neutral role, intervened in the electoral affairs by suspending the announcement of growing victory of anti-Obote forces, and declaring victory for Obote. Muwanga became Obote’s Vice President and Defence Minister” (…)”After the ballots had been counted in Gulu, the permanent secretary – a close friend – called up Mrs. Aliker in Nairobi to congratulate her on her husband’s victory by 40,000 votes against 3,000 for his opponent. The tide was running heavily toward the anti-Obote forces. Then Paulo Muwanga announced suspension of the results. There was immediate tension. When Radio Uganda came on air the next day, they first announcement was that in Gulu, Dr. Martin Aliker had been defeated by 40,000 to 3,000. The candidate falsely announced as the winner refused to believe the result” (Munger – Lule, 1983).

Another story of the 1980 elections:
“Meanwhile, in Uganda, controversy raged over the electoral arrangements, amid an increasingly febrile and violent atmosphere. While under the supervision of the Electoral Commission, the actual mechanics of the election were largely in the hands of the administration – in a continuation from late colonial practice, each district commissioner was the returning officer for all constituencies in his district, and was in effect in control of the hiring and supervision of electoral staff. Just over a month before the election, 14 of Uganda’s 33 district commissioners were dismissed and replaced by men appointed directly by the Military Commission; soon afterwards, Obote publicly warned civil servants to ‘stop frustrating the UPC election efforts’. One man who was a young UPM activist at the time recalled that in his constituency, the district commissioner set about ensuring that all polling staff were UPC supporters” (…)”well over 80% of the registered voters in most places, which meant that rather more than one quarter of the total population voted. This a remarkable number in a country where slightly more than half the population were under 18, while one constituency saw a 103% turnout. Such figures might seem to suggest wholesale ballot-stuffing, and it seems likely that there was some local malpractice involving multiple voting and/or stuffing. But if there was manipulation, it appears to have balanced out, because turnout levels were generally consistent across UPC and DP strongholds.In Buganda, where the UPC suffered more or less complete electoral annihilation, the turnout was as high as it was in the UPC heartlands in the north(the 103% came here). Tito Okello, the commander of the UNLA, ‘praised Ugandans for their peaceful attitude and love for political progress’ and called the election ‘a day of rebirth when Uganda will once more have its rightful place in Africa and the world community’” (…)”The Electoral Commission had, however, fallen silent; its secretary had gone into hiding (and fled the country two nights later) and the rest of its members temporarily vanished from the office. When it resumed the announcement of results, these showed a very substantial UPC victory. In the end, UPC secured 74 seats, against 51 for DP and 1 for UPM; though in terms of the overall vote, the DP secured more votes overall. The process of tallying at a constituency level had been largely unobserved, since the Observer Group had returned to Kampala on 11 December and – following an outbreak of shooting around their hotel that evening – were largely withdrawn on 12 December” (…)”In his memoirs, the senior British member of the Observer Group, Robert Wainwright, comforted himself that Obote would have won anyway, even had he not cheated in the nominations. Obote’s biographer, citing the Observer Group report, insisted that Obote had won the election simply because of its ‘superior organization’, and dismissed accusations of malpractice as unfounded” (Willis).
In 1981:
“Mr. Obote’s party gerrymandered voting districts, delayed opposition candidates past deadlines for qualifying and in the end shut down a public tally of votes to simply announce victory over national radio. In the last two weeks, the Obote administration also has closed five opposition newspapers” (…)”We are going back on a course we thought we had left, just as things were under Amin,” said Paul Ssemogerere, leader of the opposition Democratic Party. A Democratic Party member of Parliament, John Magezi, said in an interview this week that: ”I’m not sure I understand what’s happening myself. This isn’t even third world politics; this is fourth world.” (…)”The most serious threat to the Obote regime is thought to be a rebel force led by Yoweri Mseveni, who was a member of the six-member military commission that ruled Uganda until the election. Making War From the Bush” (…)”Mr. Mseveni was the only man on the board who did not support Mr. Obote. He formed a political party, but he was trounced in the election that he is convinced was stolen by Milton Obote. Now he is in the bush – with a force of five thousand, he claims – preparing for a major offensive unless the Obote administration steps down” (Jaynes, 1981).

In 1982:
“Without the investment budget, the economist said, Uganda’s chances of economic revival look slim. But frequent reports of violence, perpetrated particularly by Government troops, may make potential investors wary. And thus a vicious circle could be created with economic discontent fueling the problems that block economic revival. Many Ugandans still live in poverty. Dispute Over 1980 Election” (…)”Neither do the insurgents seem to offer an immediate alternative to the present Government. The guerrillas undoubtedly have considerable support among the Baganda people around Kampala, who form the nation’s largest single ethnic group. The Baganda have been opposed to President Obote since he banished their king during his first term of office, from independence in 1962 until his overthrow by Idi Amin in 1971. Mr. Obote returned to power in elections in December 1980, which the Baganda opposition charges were rigged, and which Mr. Obote says vehemently were free and fair” (…)”The President himself asserts that, were the guerrillas to achieve their aims and install a Baganda leader, then the rest of the country – which, he says, voted solidly for him in the 1980 election – would rise up in revolt” (Cowell, 1982).
Certain Acholi feelings about the 1980s:
“This was followed by several short lived junta administration (governments) till the 1980 general election that was generally disputed by the majority of Ugandan political parties that participated. They claimed that the election was “not free and fair”. This led to a re-organization once more into another liberation movement that struggled till 1986 when they finally succeeded in capturing political power by force of arms. In this struggle, some members of the then defeated army were either taken as prisoners of war or voluntarily joined liberation movement or settled back home while a section regrouped in the north in order to launch a counter offensive to gain political power. It is generally accepted that this was the starting point of the Northern Uganda conflict that has changed faces of struggle which adversely affected the people of the greater North” (ARLPI, 2007).

Here we see the British position to the matter and verifying the results and the way the rigging is open and blatant happening, even with witnesses and wife’s getting information about the victory by phone and the day after on the radio hearing and announced that the person didn’t get their seat in parliament after all.
The 1980s elections seem by many means rigged and the reports validate that sense. As some have question if that is true or something Uganda Patriotic Movement used to defend their rebellion towards the state, as the opposition does now; the FDC claims as the predecessor UPM did at one point. The worrying point about the whole election at that time is how the Commonwealth Observers is being used by British Officials, as the Dr. Milton Obote got the verifying force and the international credibility to stop the nuance of asking to accepted. While the Parliament and members was more selected than elected. Just as it seems as after 18th February as the Electoral Commission under Eng. Dr. Badru Kiggundu, put all the eggs in the basket of President Museveni and avoided lots of polling stations to benefit the ruling regime. The way the ruling regime of Uganda People’s Congress did their job and their Paolo Muwanga made the cake for Dr. Obote and his second term in office.
The way Obote told Civil Servants to serve UPC and not work against them, the same way Museveni today tells that everybody should stay behind NRM; they use other words, but initially mean the same. The same is also that Museveni says the election happen in a free and fair fashion as did Obote on the 1980s. They actually could be saying the same words or as similar as can be. They could be like brothers today and President Museveni did everything in his power in the beginning to demolish the legacy of Obote. So that he could be seen as the essential leader of the nation.
Today we see the ways that the army and police are used as tool of oppression as it was done during the Obote area as well. The determination of oppressing the opposition and making life hard for anybody who is not NRM is shown through the pre-election period and now after the polls as evidence today and the recent days where the Police have gone after the opposition with vigor and power. Jailed and detained FDC Mobilisers, Officials and others for affiliations or having the original declarations forms that the Electoral Commission have rigged, so to get rid of evidence.
So there is so many of the same traits that it is staggering… and the ways they are conducting the elections and polls; are nothing difference than from Obote, the man he fought for 5 years in a Bush-War to free the peasants, making himself to be like him. That is impressive as he was supposed to be an intellectual and a wise-guy who could make Uganda democratic, what that has happen is that President have made government of Uganda now acting the same ways as the ones he ousted. That is ironic and sad at the same time. Wished for the people Uganda another President who respect rule of law, the role of the executive and the true power of transparency and accountability, but that will not occur under President Museveni as he now will only seek his own gain and not care about the general state of Uganda; as his power and keeping that is main objective, everything else is secondary. Peace.

I will hear go through the basic statements, I will not offer the President of Uganda, his excellency the whole article as he in my opinion doesn’t deserve it as his police is harassing innocent opposition people and people visiting opposition people. Therefore as that happens this here will be an exercise of questioning the quotes I feel matters from his recently released article, but we know that President Museveni loves himself. That is easily showed through the article that I now has questioned. Take alook!
His vision of what he has done since 1986:
“Since 1986 we have successfully defended the revolution against a whole spectrum of counter-revolutionaries and terrorists, many sponsored by external forces. We, therefore, as in the resistance wars, used bullets to successfully defend the Revolution” (Museveni, 2016).
Well, Mr. President, but it is okay that you were supported during the bush-war of Colonel Gaddafi of Libya during the 1980s, but hey! You needed the support and blessing from them and that is the difference, right? The same has been with the continuation after gaining power having and getting support from United States for his armies to fight the wars. That they don’t want to engage in, but that is okay, right? Since you talking about bullets, is that the same you use against the people who demonstrates and dies as they oppose your reign or have they not understood your revolution that you seem to own?

Direct Service Delivery:
“Even then, that should not have been the vote we should have got given the work NRM has done, especially in the area of infrastructure (roads, electricity, schools, health centres, piped water, etc.) and also in the area of peace and security. We should have got 80% in my opinion” (Museveni, 1986).
Well, Mr President, the issues of governance while following the magical works of the NRM, there can nearly in any district show that the money is not going where it supposed to, the roads are not built or in a sub-standard way, except for the ones that are built by direct investments or donor aid from foreign powers. The schools are depleting, the UMEME is half of the time on, the other half on, always a district where the electricity is gone. I could go on, but a bit boring Mr. President, right? You have given a peace and security, but to what price when you go against everybody who is not you ally. The country has national security, but the public is not safe as the people who are opposition can be detained for just existing and you address the people of Kampala rats as they votes opposition is not validating your own people. Your opinion that you deserve 80% is something you to have talk about with Eng. Dr. Badru Kiggundu and he might can alter the results they was on the 18th February; as he has already assured you 60% and with the strength of the opponent you keep under house-arrest. You should think about the rigging strategy and might splash out more money under the next pre-election period, maybe even earlier than a month before the polls.

His own leaders under him:
“The other mistake is the selfishness and dishonesty of some of the NRM leaders. When money is sent to do political work, these leaders steal it. The money that was sent to help the Village Committees to buy stationery was stolen by some leaders. The masses come to know about it and they, really, get annoyed. Those who stole that money must refund it or be arrested. It is not only the dishonesty; but there is the attitude of only undertaking missions for money” (Museveni, 2016).
Well, Mr. President you have set the premise when you let people eat grant-money and secure funding projects never existing, while eating the money. As long as you have splashed money to loyal subjects who creates ghost schools and teachers than you have made the dinner and dessert, but only the subject that got the money got to eat; not the public in the constituency or county in question. The thing is that you should give back all the money you have been embezzling before the cronies does, as the nations has higher debt now than ever because of the monetary policies you have made in recent years. So that your loyal cadre steals money on your watch and does not get punished, is a token of your leadership and your values, as you know than they can be bought and shut-up for a lollipop while you take a ride in your expensive car to your extravagant farm.

Leadership culture in the Parliament:
“This spirit was undermined by the ego-centric MPs that were misusing their presence in Parliament and the vague Constitution of 1995 on the issue of remuneration for Public Servants to award themselves huge salaries. This selfishness and short- sightedness transformed the MP job from being a mission – oriented job to being a rewarding job for the individuals involved” (Museveni, 2016).
Well, Mr. President, these MPs are often the men you have handpicked during the selections in inner-party circle, you’re the primary leader and de-facto chief of them. You see the premise of how the parliament is conducted as even general in the army said publicly that they fear you. You have made them selfish, as you are selfish and the centre of attention, as nothing gets put forward unless you have stamped. That has been told by many sources Mr. President. You have yourself together with loyal cadres offered cars, higher salaries, higher nominations fees for MPs and that they need to earn back, secondly: there been steady reports under Ninth Parliament that the MPs got paid to vote “Yes” or for a law that was in favour of your stance and for that they got millions of shillings each. That is the vision you give them and how your cadre and loyalty model feed the MPs and Parliament. So you have made this leadership structure and the way the usage of Parliament is. So you have been rewarding them for this behaviour and wanted them to act this way.

What NRM always do:
“We were able to give a knock-out on the first round to the opposition, as we always do, because of, mainly, four factors: promoting unity among the people; peace; electricity; and the new tarmac roads in areas that had never seen much development” (Museveni, 2016).
Well, Mr. President if your rigging the votes calling it a knock-out, or the police and military continue to presocute and arrest fellow opposition while calling out for unity is a little wrong. If you really wanted peace and unity you would not arrest and detain Amama Mbabazi and Dr. Kizza Besigye. You would not get a helicopter to throw tear-gas into the FDC headquarter in Najjankumbi, but that is just me Mr. President. If you really won a knock-out, wouldn’t the streets been filled with people in similar ways the Kampala went blue on 5th November 2015. As your hired Crime Preventers at Kololo was stuck in town after your rally the day before, I am sure you’re neglecting or trying to forget that fact.

Last remarks:
“The NRM Secretariat must be very active in sensitizing our masses” (…)”We have the capacity to resolve the residual problems, one by one. That is why the opposition in Uganda is an endangered species” (Museveni, 2016).
Well, Mr. President have called them rats, now the opposition is endangered species, this kind of talk proves the values that the President owns up to. It is a dangerous ways that the NRM secretariat should be active to clear the opposition behaviour and thinking by sensitizing it, as well as the problems shall be resolved one-by-one as the opposition will be destroyed as it is an “endangered species”. He must see how this rhetoric and words complied with the security outfits arrests, detaining, house-arrests and violence towards them does not clear the masses or the population, but instead make him and his party look like a militarized politician who incarcerate the citizens and makes them subjects who follows his orders, instead of making up their own minds, as the police continuously attacks the oppositions.
As you see, I got bored by the fact of the article that President Museveni is discussing the victory, but not telling the reality of the victory or how he got the crowds to all those rallies as he paid so much money and spent so much funds to ferrying crowds. As he struggled many places to get them to come! As eye-witnesses said there we’re people in the area they had never seen before, something he did certainly not to write about. We all know why because that notion hurts his pride and honour, especially also his beloved National Resistance Movement aka the Movement.

Now that I have discussed his article, let me just briefly look at some aspects of the rant the State House of Uganda dropped on social media on the 25th February:
“A lot of (Opposition leaning) ‘Facebookers’ are alleging that the #NRM rigged the election. That is all #NOISE or even #TANTRUMS.
* Why don’t you get and/or provide evidence and go to courts of law?”(State House Uganda, 2016).
Well, you writer of the State House, you have missed one important aspect, how can the opposition create any evidence or any indication on the rigging into a fully-fledged paper or petitions, when your army and police arrests, detains, house-arrests and beat the opposition aides, officials and leaders. It is not easy to send petitions in to Court when your operations are being sieged by the security outfits. That is direct orders from the State House and the incumbent President! I am sure the State House would struggle to do proper work if the locals in Entebbe would siege the buildings and have guns around the gates, telling who to come in or go out. But that is just me!

Let me continue as the rants of the State House continues apparently:
“If the elections have been rigged, let’s hear from the winning Opposition candidates (MPs, Mayors, Councillors) to that effect – otherwise their behaviour smacks of double standards. Did they win through rigging?
* Losing NRM candidates (including 24 Ministers) have exhibitied political maturity by conceding unlike losing Opposition candidates and supporters who shout ‘rigging’.
* It is the Opposition who have been rigging knowing that the NRM still has widespread support in the country.
* Talk or comment in your individual capacity – don’t assume that your opinion is that of all Ugandans or readers” (State House Uganda, 2016).
Well, State House writer certain winning MPs from the Opposition has come with the claimes Francis Mwijukye, Ibrahim Ssemujje Nganda, Nathan Nandala-Mafabi and the list goes on. So the State House has a deaf ear or only reading into things as they see fit. It is not double standards; it is just that they don’t have faith in a system where the majority of winner seemingly fits the NRM-Regime, while the reality on the ground has not been likely for that. But the State House is directly paid by the President, so surely your loyalty lay to him and not with the people. The NRM candidates are surely been spoon-feed and secured their position in the hierarchy of loyal cadre, certain NRM losing MPs has been violent used police forces to attack the courts like in Lira, or the men in Gulu who went all out to change the results. There is also the stories of Kasese and other areas where the NRM losing MPs has not showed maturity, as we also saw the maturity of the NRM when the Independent NRM candidates lost the NRM Primaries, but that is just me right?
The opposition would not have issues keeping Declaration Results Forms if they we’re rigging the elections as the Police are putting FDC officials at gun-point and putting the Headquarters of the party under siege, if they was rigging the elections, there would also most likely been more FDC or opposition party MPs. The actions of security agents and outfits proves that they have not done so, if so it would be foolish as the NRM and the Police are close connected in the works of rigging this election to the benefit of the man who secures the salaries of the writer from the State House. That means your blind loyalty is proven in this text and your rant is not better or worse than the opposition on social media. The difference is that the opposition get behind bars while you drink tea in safety.
I know that my comments is far from what everybody’s view in Uganda, as I am a man who has no problem to counter everybody. At this moment I doubt I do so. If I did that, then the Mr. President hadn’t needed to write this article defending his “knock-out win” or the State House writing their rant! As much as your view is not the ones everybody in Uganda stand by either, while you complain of the rants online, you did the same; to defend the State House and the master of the House; President Museveni. Your defence of the matter and the election is weak tea and giving a bitter after taste. We all have seen the party partisan ideas and acts of the police have become and is now used as a tools for the President. This is something the writer of the State House of Uganda certainly knows by now!
Well, Mr. President, I did not like the rhetoric of your article and the way you described that people would not understand certain aspects that is disrespectful of your own people.

Let me show one phrase:
“I talk of moneylessness, rather than poverty. This is because the poverty statistics are not easily understood by the public“ (Musveni, 2016).
Well, Mr. President, thank you for disrespecting the ones who so-called gave you a knock-out victory as they can’t understand statistics, if that is so, haven’t you had 30 years to teach them that, if that a lost cause since they live in poverty or are money-less while your government supposedly collecting more revenue, but while the numbers are higher so is also the issuing of money and the amount of money is connected to value of the currency over the 30 years, the 100 shillings used in 1980s cannot buy as much today as it could back then, right? So the steady inflation and deteriorating of monetary policy has surely not made the economic climate better, as much as the education who cannot be understood by the general public; your wrote that yourself Mr. President, not me. That says enough for that you have neglected certain parts of the education and the levels of understanding of own society as they cannot be trusted with statistics while you in your own article live on dropping number of collected tax. As you do not show the value of the shilling or the rates that gives real indication of the revenue made by this. But that would not be good for your result or argument, right, Mr. President?
I know you won’t read what I have written, I doubt any of your cronies, but surely somebody will catch a whiff of it. As they can question your words and behaviour as they should. Peace.
“President Uhuru Kenyatta has suspended Supreme Court Judge Philip Tunoi and formed a seven-member tribunal led by Sharad Rao to probe his conduct over bribery allegations. The announcement was made Tuesday afternoon by State House spokesman Manoah Esipisu through his official twitter handle. Esipisu said: “After further consultation, President Uhuru Kenyatta suspends Justice Philip K. Tonui as judge of the Supreme Court.” (…)”President Kenyatta appoints seven-member Tribunal, chaired by Sharad Rao to investigate conduct of Justice Tonui.” Other members of the tribunal are: Justice Roselyn Korir, Justice (Rtd.) Jonathan Havelock, Judith Guserwa, James Kaberere Gachoka, Abdirashid Abdullahi Hussein and George Munji Wakukha” (Kenyan Citizen TV, 2016).

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has received a petition from the Bugala Farmers Association in Uganda.
NEW YORK, United States of America, February 25, The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has received a petition from the Bugala Farmers Association in Uganda related to UNDP’s association with Bidco Africa Ltd., as a result of the company’s membership with the Business Call to Action (BCtA). The BCtA is an alliance of several donor and other institutions that challenges companies to use their core business to engage poor populations across their value chains, while contributing to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. Bidco Africa Ltd. became a member of the BCtA in September 2015. UNDP hosts the secretariat and is a member of the Donor Steering Committee of the BCtA.
In addition to the petition, a complaint was submitted to UNDP’s Stakeholder Response Mechanism (SRM) and Social and Environmental Compliance Unit (SECU) (UNDP.org/secu-srm). This request is currently being reviewed for eligibility for either or both channels. The outcome of these reviews will be posted on the SRM Case Registry (APO.af/ztoHfg) and SECU Case Registry (APO.af/a3HHBf).
If you have forgotten:


“A letter to the Ugandan President specifically and holistically to african leaders with downtrodden citizenries. This message has been approved by God” (Ston-City, 2016).


