
Press Release: Uchumi Supermarkets Limited Closes Branches in Rationalisation Process in Kenya (21.03.2016)



21st March, 2016
Fellow Ugandans,
Following Kiggundu’s fraudulent declaration of Museveni as winner of the 2016 Presidential elections, Uganda will never be the same again. The winner of the election was FDC’s Dr. Kizza Besigye. He is Uganda’s president elect. Museveni knows it too. That is why he has tried all he can to keep him under house arrest and to turn the streets into barracks, in order to intimidate the winners by creating a war like situation in some villages, towns and Kampala.
You have been asking “what next?”. You are right. Some of you think that the leadership is doing nothing about this situation. This is not correct. A lot is being done and the purpose of this communication is to let you know what is being done so that you can also find your own role to play in these developments. This is what is being done:
1. We are engaging our friends in neighboring countries of the East African Community, Africa in general, our friends in Europe, the United States, Asia and the Arab world to share with them the steps we are taking in protecting our victory and the presidency of Dr. Kizza Besigye, and to seek their support moral and diplomatic support. We have made good progress.
2. We are continuously assessing the capacity and deployment detail of Museveni’s security apparatus and working with our friends in the security establishment we have a sound idea of the capabilities on a half-day basis. We can confirm that Museveni’s security apparatus is in disarray, their morale is low, and units have been shuffled several times due to suspicion. You must have known that the Police and Army voted overwhelmingly for Dr. Besigye. The Special Forces Command which we had believed to be totally under Museveni’s control through his son Muhoozi, is no longer as homogeneously loyal. There is still some work to do there, especially since the SFC structure rests on Hima and Rwandan ethnicity. We know for a fact that there are already problems between the two groups.
3. We have also finalized mapping out the country into liberated zones where the bulk of the activities will be planned and piloted before rolling out countrywide. We have established control centers in all districts of Uganda. The responsibility of these centers is to develop the organizational infrastructure to service the new government headed by Dr. Besigye, which will be formally unveiled in May 2016 as the constitution stipulates. Arrangements for the swearing in of H.E. Col (rtd) Dr. Kizza Besigye have been finalized.
4. All efforts of our struggle at this stage are geared towards making it impossible for Museveni to fraudulently be sworn in as President in May. This we shall achieve, through your support and sacrifices.
5. We are finalizing negotiations with land lords in urban centers, market owners and managers not to collect rent from tenants for one month after we have established our authority. Landlords who will violate this one-month free accommodation agreement will be penalized accordingly. A one-month tax and licence holiday will be applied to Boda-Bodas, Taxi and Bus operators, traders and market vendors. We have completed negotiations with transporters to reciprocate by reducing transport fares for one month.
6. For university students, after we have established our authority,we will grant a fees-demand break for 30 days and a student who will have paid at least 50% of fees shall be allowed to sit for their examinations at any stage.
7. As incentive, once we have established our full authority, with your active participation, we shall reduce the cost of petrol, diesel and paraffin by 300 shillings a litre. This is also our way of appreciating the people of Uganda for the support they will have extended to the forces of change but also to compensate the losses that are going to be suffered in the coming days as we struggle, through peaceful means of civic nature, to establish the civilian authority led by Dr. Besigye.
8. Other such incentives are being considered for importers of essential commodities and other for other trades. We have also finalized negotiations with foodstuff and meat providers to reduce the prices for one month. For some of you are old enough to recall, (if you are not, ask who was old enough then); lowering of prices was done voluntarily in all sectors after the fall of Idi Amin in 1979 in the short period (68 days) of Yusuf Lule’s leadership which was rudely interrupted by the same forces that are tormenting Uganda today. So this is a practical revolutionary step we are undertaking.
9. Your responsibility is to be vigilant, cautious, and all the time active and united as forces of change. Be on the lookout for Museveni spies and zealous sympathizers who try to stand in our way and justly but decisively deal with them, on case by case basis.
10. In this difficult period, save all the money you can. Don’t be extravagant. Don’t frequent public places of entertainment unless it is absolutely necessary. Practice walking long distances on foot. Practice staying hungry even when you have some money to buy your lunch. Stock up on food and vital medicines that can last several weeks. Obtain a solar phone charger and affordable solar lights. As much as possible, don’t move at night unless it is absolutely necessary.
11. Don’t respond to invitation to meetings unless you have cross checked thoroughly and made sure that the invitation is genuine. Establish neighborhood security cells to protect yourselves from the so called crime preventers and other lawless regime functionaries. Don’t let anyone of you get arrested without a charge is spelled out by the arresting (police) officer. If any of you is arrested, inform the relevant persons immediately and ensure that if they have families, provide for their welfare, however small. Never abandon your colleagues in the struggle and their families.
12. This is the order you have been waiting for. You know the objective. Museveni must not swear in fraudulently in May, regardless of what the Supreme Court says. You know the time frame. You know who Uganda’s new president is. Your job is to make it happen. Methods will vary from place to place. This is not Besigye’s struggle. It is your own struggle. It is your vote that they tried to steal. You want your country back. You want a better life. You want to stop the corrupt and the arrogant from dominating you. You want to live in a democratic society that respects human rights. The ball is entirely in your court. Just do the right thing.
13. To protect our victory and to execute the mandate that was given to us by the people of Uganda, we are committed to pursuing peaceful alternatives. We sincerely hope that armed struggle won’t be necessary at this stage. However, should circumstances demand, we shall act decisively.
FOR GOD AND OUR COUNTRY

The Democratic Alliance (DA) calls on the Public Protector, Advocate Thuli Madonsela, to launch an investigation into the alleged abuse of executive power by President Zuma, relating to the manner in which at least one ANC member was offered a cabinet position in exchange for committing to make Gupta-friendly executive decisions.
This follows revelations earlier this week by the former chair of Parliament’s Portfolio Committee on Public Enterprises, Vytjie Mentor, who revealed that she was offered the job of Minister of Public Enterprises by the Guptas on one condition: she “drops the SAA flight-route to India and give to them”. Mentor further alleges that President Zuma was on the Guptas Saxonwold premises at the time, in a room next door.
This voluntary disclosure by Mentor is part of an ever-growing list of ANC members who have publically admitted that they have been approached by the Guptas, including Deputy Finance Minister, Mcebisi Jonas, Public Service and Administration Minister, Ngoako Ramathlodi and former Public Enterprises Minister, Barbara Hogan.
These revelations directly implicate President Zuma, and after laying criminal charges against Atul and Ajay Gupta yesterday, it is our view that the Public Protector is most appropriately suited to deal with the matter at hand in relation to President Zuma.
The DA contends that the Public Protector should investigate whether President Zuma violated Paragraph 2(b) of the Executive Ethics Act by:
(iii) Exposing himself to any situation involving the risk of a conflict between his official responsibilities and his private interests;
(iv) Using his position or any information entrusted to him, to enrich himself or improperly benefit any other person; and
(v) Acting in a way that may compromise the credibility or integrity of his office or of the government
We trust that the Public Protector will take swift action and begin an investigation as soon as possible. Individual members of my caucus will also, where applicable, be lodging complaints with the Public Protector in respect of individual ministers who are in possible violation of the Executive Ethics Act.
In addition to this, I will be asking parliamentary questions to all cabinet ministers, to ascertain whether they or their the Deputy Minister(s) have ever met with any member of the Gupta family or attended any meetings at the Saxonwold Estate in Johannesburg since taking office; and if they have, what the details of each meeting was.
I have also already moved a substantive motion in the National Assembly (NA) requesting that the House establish an Ad Hoc Committee to investigate the close ties between the Gupta family and President Zuma, including their alleged involvement in the capture of State resources and their undue influence over the Executive. I will move to have this motion debated in Parliament’s sitting on 17 May 2016, and for the National Assembly to vote on this matter in that very sitting.
South Africa cannot afford to have the Gupta family using the South African government to further their own business interests. It cannot be that President Zuma’s close ties to one family are overlooked when these ties result in undue influence over government business. 8.2 million jobless South Africans deserve better.

This happens in the same time period that Gado the cartoonist at Daily Nation has been under fire for his cartoons of Kenyatta and later was finally sacked for a cartoon mocking President Museveni. So there were already issues between editorial freedom and the government control of media in Kenya under President Kenyatta, as this story will show.
Denis Galava the former editor Daily Nation who got fired for speaking up towards the President of Kenya Uhuru Kenyatta. This here is outtakes from his affidavit and is interesting as he was fired or sacked in the end of January 2016. The gaging of Kenyan Media comes to the surface and makes an impression!

Problems of November 2015:
“Earlier in November, the Editor-In-Chief called me to his office for what I presumed was a routine discussion on the investigation docket. We had lined up stories on Eurobond, Jubilie’s Mega Scandal, the death of the manufacturing sector and the collapse of the coffee sector. While not disagreeing with the merit of the stories, he said timing was tricky. For that the Aga Khan was scheduled to visit Kenya in December 2015 as a State guest and the presidency accused the Nation of malice for interesting scandals in government” (…)”Mr. Mshindi also asked me to ask popular Saturday Nation columnist David Ndii to stop writing about Eurobond and NYS Scandal because of his provocative analyses had angered the government and cost the company business. I out rejected the proposal, saying the columnist had struck in the letter and spirit contract of his contract and the reputational damage of us gauging him was not worth the risk” (…)”And the Editor-In-Chief, instead of defending our editorial independence, had chosen to gag us” (…)”My experience with the senior editors and we concluded that the Editor-In-Chief had privilege political sensitivities and personal biases over good journalism”.
How it all started:
“Completed the Editorial at 05:30pm and alerted the acting editor of Saturday Nation to revise it. He told me it was hard-hitting, but truthful. Since the paper was in the midst of a staffing crisis, I also took on a few other tasks that evening – editing the special reports section and ‘Page one’. I left shortly thereafter for the night” (…)”Woke up on Saturday morning to a social media fest over the editorial” (…)”Around midday, the Group Managing Editor (GME) Weekend editions called saying the editorial was hard hitting but objective. He received many calls, most compelling the Nation for finally speaking truth of power and a few from State House officials saying that the editorial was a declaration of war against the president”.
This continued with reactions from the State house:
“It also learnt that there had been a call from a senior State House official later that afternoon which was to be the first rumble the thunder in the brewing storm. The official asked why the Nation was ambushing the President in the New Year. He said the President was angered by the Editorial and intended to take it up with the Nation’s founder, the Aga Khan, who had been a state guest at the 12. December 2015, Jamhuri Day celebrations”.

Calls on Sunday:
“the calls had become more frantic in tone. I learned from the GME Weekend Eric Obino that the Editor-in-Chief Tom Mshindi had called him from India saying the government had threatened serious sanctions over the editorial. That NGM board chairman Wilfred Kiboro and called and also written to the CEO Joe Muganda and Mr. Mshindi demanding immediate action to appease the government. Matters were complicated by the fact that for three years, the Nation board and the local Aga Khan network had been trying to reach out to State House in vain”.
On Monday:
“The Acting Saturday Nation editor Kariuki Waihenya and GME Weekend informants told me they had received emails from the editor in chief asking them to show cause why disciplinary action should not be taken against them over the publication of the editorial”
On Thursday – 5th January
“That morning, the HR director returned from leave for a conference call with the Editor-in-Chief, who was in India, and two Group Managing Editors for Weekend and daily editions (Mr. Obino and Mutuma Mathiu, respectively). After the discussion, the acting editor for Sunday Nation was given a first warning letter over the editorial, while his Sunday counterpart was also cautioned over the cartoon published on the January 3 that infuriated State House”
Later on the same day after picking up and taking his niece to school he got a call:
“the GME Weekend editions called asking me to join him at the responding to mounting fury, added to the prevailing bewilderment. According to his statement expressing the official position of the paper, I had not been suspended but rather advised to stay away for a few days”
On Friday – 6th January:
“the BBC interviewed Mr. Muganda over my suspension. Mr. Muganda said I been suspended for not following procedure in writing the editorial and went ahead to compare me to a bank teller who steal cash”.
On Thursday – 14th January:
“the HR Manager in charge of editorial Ms Jane Mkituri(Not sure) called me to invite me for a disciplinary hearing at 2pm on January 18. She also invited me to respond in writing to the issues raised in my suspension letter”.
On 18th January:
“In my response letter dated January 18, I protested that the procedures and guidelines referred to in the suspension letter were communicated to me for the first time in the suspension letter” (…)”While I had in the past either written or authorized editorials based on my judgement, the issue of procedure had never come up”.
Reaction to the letter:
“I was surprised to learn that two hours after submitting my response stating from there were no written procedures for editorial writing, the Editor-in-Chief issued – for the first time – comprehensive guidelines and timelines for writing editorials”.

On the disciplinary hearing:
“I was surprised that I had to defend myself to the very people who has accused me and suspended me unheard – the Editor-in-Chief, GME Weekend, HR Director and Company Secretary (Mr. Joseph Kinyua). I had expected a different, independent panel compromising at least one peer and individuals unrelated to the suspension the law states” (…)”The hearing turned out to be more of a dialogue of the deaf than even my initial cynicism anticipated” (…)”Every question started and ended with the word procedure, with an occasional dose of “disrespecting the presidency and endangering company business”. In 58 minutes, the duration of the hearing, I repeated 17 times that I not flouted procedure since, in actuality, there was no procedure to flout”.
The answer on the matter at the hearing:
“A panelist offered that he would be more cautious if he were in my shoes. Here I stood, he added, both having upset Kenya’s President and the Aga Khan, and risked the business of the paper, and yet here I also stood seeking justification rather than groveling for mercy”.
Continued part of the hearing:
“I explained that this section spoke of content and not procedure. None of the panelists cared to listen to me” (…)”Pushing the file I had given him aside, the Editor-In-Chief said I had hurt him, the tone of the editorial was disrespectful and it was risked the company business. The Company Secretary weighted in with similar comments, adding that this was the most disrespectful article on the presidency he had ever read and that I should be apologizing instead of defending the indefensible”.
Later on the 20th January:
“About 10am on Wednesday, January 20, the HR Director called and asked me to see him in the office at 4pm. He gave me the termination letter for “willful disobedience of the covenants and laid down process and procedures”. I protested this was unfair because in whole of my career at Nation”.

Together with the Gado sacking and this story of how the Editor-In-Chief dedicated the stories and silenced the newspaper and their columnist to fit the State House, is a worrying sign when we think about the up-coming elections in 2017.
That the media have to worry about writing articles to step on their toes and not be able to make stories that they can cover, as the President and his advisor will call the Nations Editor-In-Chief or CEO. As the State House want the investment from the Aga Khan and the State House want to look decent, and not have the story of corruption or scandals out! Peace.

Today President Jacob Zuma once again treated Parliament as his very own lapdog, by avoiding accountability on the question of whether the Gupta family and others played a role, directly or indirectly, in the decision to fire former Finance Minister, Nhlanhla Nene, which sent the country’s economy into a tailspin.
My specific question to the President was whether he consulted any person before the appointment of Mr David van Rooyen as Minister of Finance on 9 December 2015, and removal of Mr van Rooyen as Minister of Finance three days later.
The President completely avoided answering the question of whether he in fact did consult anyone, and instead quoted sections of the Constitution which empower the head of executive to appoint and dismiss cabinet ministers.
In addition to this, the President then astonishingly implied that his decision to fire former Minister Nene had a negligible impact on our economy and the tanking of our currency, as the rand was “already in decline”.
This blatant untruth is a slap in the face of the 8.2 million jobless South Africans whose hope of finding a job is continuously undermined by decisions such as this one made President Zuma and his government.
When I pressed the President on this point, I was asked by the Speaker of the National Assembly, Baleka Mbete, to leave the House. This is yet another chapter in the story of the how the ANC in Parliament protects Jacob Zuma at any cost.
The Democratic Alliance (DA) will not relent in seeking answers to this ever-mounting Gupta saga.
I have already moved a substantive motion in the National Assembly (NA) requesting that the House establish an Ad Hoc Committee to investigate the close ties between the Gupta family and President Zuma, including their alleged involvement in the capture of State resources and their undue influence over the Executive.
Parliament must play its rightful role in holding executive power to account.
The Motion that Mmusi Maimane put forward yesterday:

A clip from the Assembly or Parliament today:
Peace!


ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia, March 15, 2016 – The Peace and Security Council of the African Union (AU), at its 581st meeting, held on 9 March 2016, adopted the following decision on the situation in Burundi:
Council,
1. Takes note of the briefing made by the Commissioner for Peace and Security on the visit of the AU High Level Delegation to Burundi and on the evolution of the situation in that country. Council also takes note of the statements made by the representatives of Burundi, as well as by Tanzania in its capacity the current Chair of the East African Community (EAC);
2. Recalls its previous communiqués and press statements on the situation in Burundi, as well as press releases made by the Chairperson of the Commission. Council further recalls the decision taken by the 26th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the Union, held on 30 and 31 January 2016 and reaffirms the responsibilities of the AU, in its capacity as Guarantor of the 2000 Arusha Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation in Burundi. Council stresses its determination to fully play its role and take all necessary measures for the promotion of peace, security and stability in Burundi, in conformity with its mandate, as stipulated in the Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the AU;
3. Welcomes the visit to Burundi, on 25 and 26 February 2016, by the AU High-level Delegation, established pursuant to the relevant provisions of the above-mentioned decision of the Assembly of the Union. Council pays tribute to the Presidents of South Africa, Gabon, Mauritania and Senegal, as well as to the Prime Minister of Ethiopia for their contribution to the efforts of the AU for peace, security and stability in Burundi. Council emphasises that their work is an exemplary contribution to African ownership and resolution of the problems of the continent;

4. Endorses the conclusions of the visit of the AU High Level Delegation to Burundi, as contained in the Communiqué issued at the end of the mission. Council welcomes, in particular, the consent of the Burundian authorities to increase to two hundred (200) the number of Human Rights Observers (100) and Military Experts (100) and requests the Commission to expedite the process of their deployment in Burundi. Council also notes with satisfaction the readiness of the members of the AU High Level Delegation to pursue their efforts, in support of the mediation efforts led by President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on behalf of the EAC, particularly with regard to the need to ensure that all stakeholders in Burundi participate in the Inclusive Dialogue and actively preserve the gains of the Arusha Agreement;
5. Commends the Burundian authorities for the measures taken to restore respect for human rights, preservation of civic liberties and freedom of the press. In this respect, Council urges the authorities to enhance and consolidate these efforts;
6. Urges the EAC, in particular, and countries of the region to accelerate the mediation efforts to find a lasting solution to the crisis in Burundi. In this regard, Council reiterates the full support of the AU to the EAC efforts for the Inter-Burundian Inclusive Dialogue process, led by President Yoweri Museveni, the EAC-appointed Mediator and notes with satisfaction the appointment of former President Benjamin Mkapa of Tanzania as Facilitator and member of the mediation team. Council reiterates its full support to the Mediator and the Facilitator in the Burundi crisis and requests them to expedite consultations with all the Burundian stakeholders in order to fix, as early as possible, a date for the resumption of the Inter-Burundian Inclusive Dialogue;
7. Reiterates its urgent appeal to all the Burundian stakeholders to exercise maximum restraint and to lend all necessary cooperation to the efforts of the Mediator and the Facilitator;
8. Welcomes the recent visit, by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to Burundi, which falls within the framework of international efforts to further strengthen those led by Africa with a view to finding a lasting solution to the crisis in the country;
9. Reiterates its appreciation to the neighbouring countries which are hosting Burundian refugees, as well as its call to the international community to continue and intensify its humanitarian assistance to the affected population and the host countries;
10. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.

“The tarmacking of the 130km Turbi-Moyale road by a Chinese firm, which connects Kenya and Ethiopia, is poised to unlock economic opportunities in Kenya’s northern county of Marsabit, and the country as a whole. The road, which is set to be completed by June, is being constructed by the Chinese firm Wuyi. The road has opened up the towns in the Upper Eastern part of Kenya to trade, and helped boost trade amongst locals and people from other parts of the country” (New China TV, 2016)

KAMPALA, March 14: “In God we trust, all others bring data,” a quote attributed to American professor and statistician William Edwards Deming, is widely used to underscore the role accurate data play in building credibility.
As a result of the lack of verified, up-to-date data, a report released ahead of the ministerial conference on immunisation in Africa last month ranked Uganda’s routine immunisation coverage as among the lowest in the East African sub-region.
The report which tracks immunisation progress and challenges across the continent since the Global Vaccine Action Plan (GVAP) was launched and entitled, “Fulfilling a promise: Ensuring immunisation for all in Africa”, rates Uganda’s 2014 diptheria-tetanus-pertussis (DTP3) coverage at 78 per cent compared with 80 per cent for the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), 81 per cent Kenya, 97 per cent for Tanzania and 99 per cent for Rwanda.
Coverage with the third dose of DTP is used to measure the strength and reach of a country’s routine immunisation programme.
The DTP3 target for countries was 90 per cent for national coverage by 2015 or at least 80 per cent coverage in every district. Experts recommend that children receive DTP three times at appropriate intervals.