Press Statement: Transfer of Ladislas Ntaganzwa to Rwanda by the Democratic Republic of the Congo (24.03.2016)

Ladislas Ntaganzwa

WASHINGTON D.C., United States of America, March 24, 2016 –  Mark C. Toner, Deputy Department Spokesperson,  Washington, DC, March 23, 2016:

The United States welcomes the transfer of Ladislas Ntaganzwa by the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to face trial in Rwanda for several crimes, including genocide and crimes against humanity, pursuant to an arrest warrant by the United Nations Mechanism for International Criminal Tribunals (MICT).  This transfer is a positive example of regional judicial cooperation and took place as a result of close coordination and consultation by the DRC government and the MICT, as well as other diplomatic partners. Ntaganzwa is the sixth individual indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda who has been arrested by the Government of the DRC and transferred for trial.

Ntaganzwa’s apprehension is a welcome step toward justice for the victims of the Rwandan genocide.  Ntaganzwa is accused of abusing his position of power as a mayor to help plan, prepare, and carry out the massacre of over twenty-thousand Tutsis at Cyahinda parish—many of whom had gathered to take refuge from massacres in the surrounding countryside—as well as thousands of killings elsewhere in Rwanda.  As a reminder of the brutal way in which sexual and gender-based violence is often used as a tactic of war, Ntaganzwa is also charged with giving direct orders for women to be brutally, and repeatedly, raped.

We commend the efforts of those involved in Ntaganzwa’s transfer and whose actions made it possible for Ntaganzwa to face justice, and we encourage continued efforts to bring to justice those responsible for genocide and other atrocities in Rwanda.  Eight individuals charged by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda remain at large, and the United States remains committed to supporting their apprehension  – and to showing the survivors of atrocity crimes around the world that the pursuit of justice knows no expiration date.  Anyone with information regarding the whereabouts of the remaining fugitives is encouraged to contact the War Crimes Rewards Program at state.gov/warcrimesrewards orWCRP@state.gov.

The President’s Black Book Chapter 3: Bemba and Museveni; what is the ties between the two big-men?

Jeune African Bembe Cover

It’s recently been a court ruling in the International Criminal Court where Jean-Pierre Bemba was sentenced and guilty of crimes against humanity. As this happen there been questions about his sponsors and his actions, was it for his own cause or was it for the greater good? As the violence he spread in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was during the wars in late 90s and beginning 2000s as the Rwandan and Ugandan ignited the wars the neighbor country, even sponsoring guerrillas, while fighting other forces there, as they we’re using different methods even when the world was telling the RPA and UPDF to leave, while the guerrillas would still cover areas of minerals close to the borders, to secure funding for the governments of the neighbor countries. They will by all means repute this as this shadows their reign, but the moneys and sudden export of minerals without sustainable investments and business-growth proves that there was sudden changes by the warfare in the DRC.

In this picture President Museveni did what he could to have allies inside the DRC, so he could have business and projects there to reach his power and make himself even stronger. That has been his game since day one; not only to get rid of the leaders around him who is not loyal towards him, but also to get people who he knows is loyal to him no matter what.

Jean-Pierre Bemba was a useful tool and an allied who even with brokered peace gave more influence of Uganda into the DRC politics, as he was stationed as Vice-President under President Laurent Kabila, while this wouldn’t last, as the Ugandan and Rwandan did not like the idea of being distanced from the State House in Kinshasa. So as the time and dwindling reactions, the neighbors went into attack again, that ousted the transitional government and took down a second president in the DRC! In that picture and time, comes the relationship between Bemba and Museveni, Especially after the human rights violations and victims of war, as the spoils of it cost honor and integrity, also the visible. Even if the relations between the men and their armies lost their value, the open sponsorship and even training at one point proves how Museveni used his power and reach to put his fortune into the leadership of Bemba and his MLC. Take a look at what I have found about this men!

jean-pierre-bemba-01-1024x655

About the MLC:

“Current Leader: Jean-Pierre Bemba

Based in Gbadolite, the MLC has been backed by Uganda since the start of the war in 1998 although there have been occasional differences between the two. The MLC tried twice to establish a foothold in Ituri: in 2001 Bemba had nominal control of the short-lived FPC coalition of Ugandan- backed rebel groups and in 2002 the MLC attacked Mambasa in western Ituri but were forced backed by the APC of Mbusa Nyamwisi. The MLC has occasionally fought alongside the UPC and has been a rival of Mbusa’s RCD-ML” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

Bemba creating his army:

“In spring 1998, Bemba sought to motivate a group of Congolese exiles to join an armed struggle with support from Kampala. He elaborated a political program with a network of friends and former classmates and discussed financing and training with Museveni. By Bemba’s own account, he met Museveni while exporting fish to Belgium through Uganda in the early 1990s, though it is widely believed that Mobutu used Bemba’s aviation companies to transport goods for Jonas Savimbi, then leader of União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA), through Uganda throughout the 1980s. Another account claims that Bemba met Museveni through Museveni’s half-brother, General Salim Saleh, then chief of staff of the UPDF, while seeking to establish a link between ex-FAZ troops cantoned at the Kitona military base in southern DRC and UNITA forces in Angola. The MLC emphatically denies any involvement with the Angolan insurgency movement. But the firm belief, at least in Luanda, that Bemba, Uganda, and Rwanda had links to UNITA largely accounts for Angola’s switching sides in the Second Congo War to back Laurent Kabila and its strong antipathy toward Bemba to this day” (Carayannis, 2008).

Bemba in 1999:

“The main Goma faction of the rebel RCD on Monday welcomed Bemba’s signing of the accord. Its leader, Emile Ilunga, claimed Bemba was “not to be trusted”, but added: “We are gratified to learn that he has signed the accord as we had hoped he would. We have always wanted to sign the accord together with him”, Radio France Internationale reported” (…) “Ilunga, who was due to travel to Uganda on Monday evening for a meeting with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, earlier that day accused Uganda of not respecting the rebels’ decision-making process. “Wamba has no troops, and there is no point in his signing the ceasefire agreement … We’re astonished by Ugandan support of an individual, rather than working in the interest of the Congolese people,” AP news agency quoted Ilunga as saying”(IRIN, 1999).

“Jean-Pierre Bemba, a millionaire businessman and leader of the Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC), was accompanied to the signing in Lusaka by a senior aide of the Ugandan president, Yoweri Museveni, and by Tanzania’s foreign minister, Jakaya Kikwete, officials said” (…)”But Mr Bemba warned that he would go back to war if a rival rebel group did not sign a truce within a week” (…)“Referring to the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD), which has refused to sign the truce, he told Reuters: “If they do not sign within seven days, I will continue the fight to Kinshasa.” The RCD and Mr Bemba’s forces control 50% of Congo’s territory” (Gough, 1999). “Speaking to IPS by satellite-link, Bemba, who is also backed by Uganda, said it was too early to say whether the peace would hold, “but for the time things are very quiet, with no fighting near us” (Simpson, 1999).

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Bemba in 2000:

“A few days ago, Jean-Pierre Bemba, the rebel leader in Equateur Province, issued a challenge to Mr. Kabila and major Western nations that pushed the accord with more vigor than any of those who signed it” (…)”‘We are at a turning point,” Mr. Bemba, a 38-year-old businessman-turned-rebel, said this week in Gbadolite, his headquarters. ”Is Lusaka alive still or not? That is the question.” (…)”It is not certain whether Mr. Bemba is capable militarily of closing the airport. Nor is it clear if his major sponsor, President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, would give his approval given that Mr. Museveni’s own friends, the United States and many European nations, would probably hold him responsible for such a departure from the Lusaka accord” (Fisher, 2000).

Bemba in 2001:

“But Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni also reiterated his commitment to pulling his troops from neighboring Congo, saying now that they have defeated Ugandan rebels operating there, it was time for his forces to leave. The force Museveni claims to have defeated is the Allied Democratic Front, a small Ugandan rebel group that has attacked villages throughout western Uganda from bases in Congo” (…)”Some participants appeared unconcerned that Uganda was pulling out of the peace agreement, and were pleased that Museveni would still withdraw his troops. “If the government decides to withdraw its forces from the Congo, it’s always favorable. This is in line with the Lusaka agreement,” said Kamel Morjane, the U.N. special representative for Congo. “If all parties show their goodwill there is no risk.” (…)”Kikaya Bin Karubi, the Congolese information minister, welcomed the promised troop withdrawal and said his country would stick with the Lusaka peace agreement no matter what. The leader of the Ugandan-backed rebels, Congolese Liberation Front Chairman Jean-Pierre Bemba, said the decision would have little impact on the war since, he insisted, Ugandan troops had not been involved in the fighting. Uganda is estimated to have had at least 10,000 troops in Congo at the peak of the war” (Muleme, 2001).

alliances

UN Allegation:

“In 2001, when Bemba took the reins of the unified movement RCD/ML, now called the FLC, he tried in January to broker an agreement between the Hema and Lendu belligerants. He got more than 150 traditional chiefs to participate in this agreement (had the Ugandans acted unilaterally, they would never have managed to achieve this), thus securing a halt to military training and youth recruitment by the UPDF, a measure of security on the roads, food security for the livestock, and the appointment of a governor who was not from the region as a way of providing greater assurance to all the parties. In the end, though, it was Bemba’s dependence on the Ugandans that frustrated the entire peace process” (…)”On more than one occasion, Bemba tried to exert his influence over the Ugandan Government, but Uganda ultimately took the final decisions” (…)”In July 2001, thanks to the efforts of the Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, the Mouvement de Libération du Congo and RDC/Bunia joined forces, taking with them Rober Lubala’s RCD/National and thus forming the Front de Libération du Congo (FLC)” (Garreton, 2009).

Bemba in 2002:

“Another former rebel movement backed by Uganda, the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie-Kisangani-Mouvement de liberation (RCD-K-ML), was pessimistic about prospects for the success of the Kabila-Museveni accord” (…)“The DRC is faced with two Ugandas – that of Yoweri Museveni, who acts from a distance in Kampala, and that of his army officers and soldiers involved in the ongoing pillage of gold and diamonds in Ituri [region, northeastern DRC],” said Honore Kadima, in charge of RCD-K-ML external relations. “I don’t see either of these Ugandas adhering to even one comma of the Luanda accord.” (IRIN, 2002). “The mutiny marked the return to prominence of the commanders who had been behind the earlier CMF mutiny. Following their training in Kyankwanzi (for new recruits) and Jinja (for officers), most of them had been sent to Equateur Province to join the MLC’s armed wing. After some months of fighting for Bemba, the soldiers had grown increasingly frustrated. They knew that fellow Hema were still dying in Ituri’s inter-ethnic clashes, and they felt that the MLC used them ‘like dogs’” (Tamm, 2013).

Some more on the MLC:

“The MLC had been involved in Ituri during the short-lived agreement of the Front for the Liberation of Congo (FLC), a platform of the MLC, RCD-N and the RCD-ML, sponsored by Uganda under the leadership of Jean Pierre Bemba. But Nyamwisi refused to accept Bemba’s leadership in Ituri and his forces pushed Bemba and the MLC troops out of Beni and Bunia. In the last months of 2002, the MLC tried to fight its way back into Ituri with the support of Roger Lumbala’s RCD-N, claiming that Nyamwisi had violated the Lusaka Accord. In doing so, their combatants committed violations of international humanitarian law including the deliberate killing of civilians, numerous cases of rape, looting and some acts of cannibalism. Some of these violations may have been directed at the Nande ethnic group, targeted for their connection with Nyamwisi, himself a Nande” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

ICC Court

ICJ Court case claims:

“The DRC claims to have seised an abandoned tank used in the Kitona attack. The Reply alleges the tank is Ugandan because it is the same mode1 as a tank used later by Congolese rebel leader Jean-Pierre Bemba, who allegedly received his tank from Uganda. (DRCR, para. 2.40.)” (…)”Clearly Bemba’s hesitations vis-à-vis the inter-Congolese negotiations and the disengagement are linked to his quick enrichment, the greed of his Ugandan offïcer godfathers and the politics of self-aggrandizement practiced by his opportunistic, wandering ministers who annoy the people.” (ICJ, 2002).

ICJ Ruling document says:

“For its part, Uganda acknowledges that it assisted the MLC during fighting between late September 1998 and July 1999, while insisting that its assistance to Mr. Bemba “was always limited and heavily conditioned”. Uganda has explained that it gave “just enough” military support to the MLC to help Uganda achieve its objectives of driving out the Sudanese and Chadian troops from the DRC, and of taking over the airfields between Gbadolite and the Ugandan border; Uganda asserts that it did not go beyond this” (ICJ, 2005).

Cooperation in DRC during the war claims:

“The cooperation of the allied MLC rebel force was secured by the pre-payment of taxes. A letter from MLC commander Jean-Pierre Bemba informed civil and military authorities that Victoria was authorised to do business in the towns of Isirio, Bunia, Bondo, Buta, Kisangani and Beni (Ugandan Judicial Commission, Final Report, op. cit., 21.3.4, p.119). This letter was counter-signed by Kazini who further instructed his commanders in the same towns to allow Victoria to conduct its business ‘uninterrupted by anybody.’ The exception was Kisangani town itself, administered by an RCD-Goma backed Governor, although the UPDF controlled areas to the north of the town. Kazini issued a veiled threat to the Governor to cooperate with Victoria and later conspired to appoint Adele Lotsove as Governor of the new Province of Ituri in order to take control of the mineral producing areas, including those previously administrated by Kisangani (ibid., 21.3.4, p.122). In his reply to the Panel, Kazini stated: ‘In some cases, as in the case of Madame Adele Lotsove, in Ituri Province, our duty was confined to supporting existing administration (the Panel report concedes that Madame Lotsove had been appointed by Mobutu and was continued in office by Kabila).’ (See Reaction No.47, written statement from Major General James Kazini to the Panel, reproduced in UN Panel, Addendum, 20 June 2003, op. cit.)” (RAID, 2004).

From the WikiLeaks:

“During a May 24 meeting with Vice President Azarias Ruberwa, the Ambassador asked Ruberwa about his trip to Kampala for the inauguration of Ugandan President Museveni,  and the reported long meeting between the two.  Speaking from memory, Ruberwa provided an extensive read-out, noting by way of preamble that Museveni is a “complicated” person, and often difficult to read” (…)”According to Ruberwa, Museveni flatly denied that  there is continuing Kampala support of Congolese militia  groups.  Ruberwa said that Museveni added that the last support Uganda had provided to armed groups in the Congo was that given to Jean-Pierre Bemba’s MLC, and to combatants associated with Mbusa Nyamwisi. Ruberwa observed that Mbusa was next to him in the same meeting, but did not respond to the Museveni comment” (…)”Ruberwa noted, for example, that if all the detained MRC leaders were found with weapons, all inside Ugandan territory, it seemed logical to assume these weapons would find their way to Ituri, in apparent contradiction to Museveni’s assertions that there are no further arms flows from Uganda to support Congolese armed groups. In any event, Ruberwa asserted it is good periodically to point out to Museveni that the Congolese are aware of what is going on. The Ambassador asked if Museveni did not know that already. Ruberwa said “maybe,” but it seems useful to make it clear. Ruberwa added he believes it important for Kinshasa to send a senior-level person to Kampala to have an exchange with Museveni perhaps every three months to help avoid a major clash between the two governments” (WikiLeaks, 2006).

214850-congo-democratic Bemba 2006

Hope this was insightful and gives an edge as the reports are steady and many. Not only a one place and one person who thinks that there is a specific connection between President Museveni and Jean-Pierre Bemba of the MLC! That is very clear and the ways it happen and the timing prove the value Bemba had for Museveni and his ambition in the DRC. The excuse was always internal guerrillas who moved to DRC like ADF-NALU and LRA, but we all know that more to bait and more to gain by taking mineral rich areas and create businesses and use ammunition to gain that. That is something that never been an issue for Museveni as his best tool is a weapon, not negotiations and agreements, they can break when he see he has the upper-hand and ability to score over his counterparts.

Something he surely will do again. Bemba might never surface with the MLC and the Party MLC in any election in the DRC. As the ICC gave him a verdict and court ruling which set precedence for his life.

I know that the Yellow Men of NRM, and the NRM-Regime will fight against this and say something else, as even Amama Mbabazi did at his time in the ICC to fight the case between Uganda and the DRC on the reasons for the aggression from them. The same might happen again and the viciousness and ruthlessness of the President is visible, as those who studies his history(not the one he has rewritten) but more the remarks and voices around him, you’ll see the temperament and attitude of bush-warfare that is instilled in him, and not the political person or even a statesman of a like which he seems to be. Peace.

Reference:

Carayannis, Tatiana – ‘Elections in the DRC – The Bemba Surprise’ (February 2008).

Fisher, Ian – ‘Congo’s War Triumphs Over Peace Accord’ (13.09.2000) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2000/09/18/world/congo-s-war-triumphs-over-peace-accord.html?pagewanted=all

Garreton, Roberto – ‘REPORT FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT DOCUMENT ICC 01/04-01/06’ – MANDATE OF THE SPECIAL REPORT ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN ZAIRE (20.02.2009)

Gough, David – ‘Peace of the dead in Congo forests’ (02.08.1999) link: http://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/aug/02/6

Muleme, Geoffrey – ‘Uganda Withdraws From Congo Accord’ (30.03.2001) link: https://www.globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/181/33411.html

Human Rights Watch – ‘Democratic Republic of Congo – Volume 15. Number 11. (A)’ – “ITURI: “COVERED IN BLOOD” Ethnically Targeted Violence In Northeastern DR Congo” (July 2003)

IRIN – ‘Bemba signs Lusaka accord for MLC’ (03.08.1999) link: http://www.irinnews.org/news/1999/08/03/bemba-signs-lusaka-accord-mlc

IRIN – ‘DRC: Kabila and Museveni sign troop withdrawal protocol’ (09.09.2002) link: http://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/drc-kabila-and-museveni-sign-troop-withdrawal-protocol

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO – DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO

  1. UGANDA RE JOINDER SUBMITTED BY THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA VOLUME 1’ (06.12.2002)

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO (DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO v. UGANDA) – 2005 19 December General List No. 116 (19.12.2005)

RAID – ‘Unanswered questions Companies, conflict and the Democratic Republic of Congo’ (May 2004)

Simpson, Chris – ‘POLITICS: Little To Suggest The Congolese Peace Accord Will Hold’ (06.09.1999) link: http://www.ipsnews.net/1999/09/politics-little-to-suggest-the-congolese-peace-accord-will-hold/

Tamm, Henning – ‘UPC in Ituri The external militarization of local politics in north-eastern Congo’ (2013)

 

WikiLeaks –‘RUBERWA ACCOUNT OF MAY MEETING WITH UGANDA PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’ (02.06.2006) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06KINSHASA876_a.html

Another day, another day of violating human rights of movement for everybody who is not Mzee; CP Enaga argues for continuing a “house-arrest” even if court rules against it!

Kasangati 22.03.2016 P2

Today again, after the Kasangati Magistrate Court decided over night to send the court petition to Criminal Division Kampala North. This here is another detail into the compiling case of criminal activity against the Presidential Candidate and the opposition leader of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). That has been over the edge and continuing disregard for justice for anybody else than Mzee and his elite click in the NRM. Just read his day’s quote!

Today’s message for CP Enaga:

“Even after court ruling, we’ll pull a few metres away from Besigye’s home, but we’ll not leave completely” (…)”Police stated they want Dr. Besigye to disown the defiance message he has been preaching before and after elections” (Issa, 2016).

This here proves the disregard for justice and lawfulness that are in the country as the Police and Army can do as they please and use any kind of excuses to not care for civility or justice for fellow countrymen. Even if the courts and by understanding of law justifies them to leave the home of Dr. Kizza Besigye, they will still monitor him and keep him under siege as he felon.

I find it ironic that they still have issues with the message of defying the government and state, while they are arresting the people’s president and the people who do not need security organizations to keep the things in order. The message he sends is conflicting as his breadwinner is under the flag of NRM, which is a Resistance Movement. Resistance is a stronger an profound stronger word in the sense; then the trouble that the Police Force has with the defying aspect and the Defiance. So they better get their minds right, or even their arguments straight. Because it is non-sense at this point; since the Police fear Kizza Besigye, for his legitimacy as leader compared to their breadwinner Mzee who in the shadows orders the arrangements together with the IGP Kayihura who follows orders from the top like a blind dog.

They will continue with road-blocks and secure the premises as he is kept on short leach and proves the little value as a security outfit the Police Force has, as they have to use militarized activities towards civilians. Peace.

Press Release: Kenyan Police Warns of attack from the Al-Shabab on Kenyan soil (21.03.2016)

KNPS 23.03.2016

Press Statement from Muwema & CO on the Office Raids of 8th March (21.03.2016)

Muwema & CO 21.03.2016Muwema & CO 21.03.2016. P2jpg

Kasangati Court Adjured the case of Besigye till tomorrow as the Police needs more time to respond!

Kasangati Court 17.03.2016

It is continuation of the Dr. Kizza Besigye’s siege and house-arrest in Kasangati, Wakiso district. The Police have held him under house arrest since right before the Election Day on the 18th February 2016.

Today the petition to Kasangati Court in Kasangati Trading Centre to free Besigye; early in the morning the judge of the court where they said the Defence had to file it in before 4pm today. The Court said they needed more time to respond to the filed petition to the court. The respondents in this case Police needed more time to respond. So the court is adjured to tomorrow.

Road Block at Kasangati 22.02.2016

From the FDC themselves:

“Mr. Daudi Mpanga, lawyer for Dr. Kizza Besigye informing press that Dr. Besigye’s case is now fixed for hearing, this Friday at Magistrate Court, Kasangati. The case was adjourned to Friday 18th March, 2016 to give the State more time to prepare its response” (FDC, 17.03.2016).

As this happen there has arrived more Police and Security guards around his home. There is already three roadblocks and set of police in the area. He is seemingly a great criminal now that he has filed a petition to the court to be released free from his preventative-arrest and get justice, as he went from being a presidential candidate into a house-arrested fellow without charges, which are still at that state to this day.

The Police of the area have used the time to stall a petition against the Presidential Election of 2016, as they have gone aggressively against the FDC. So this is a continuation of that and the result is that the authority continues with the unlawful behavior, as they use the Preventative-Arrest of Besigye and monitoring everybody in the area. So the time is ticking and the unjust behavior as the state keeps him on guard and under siege. The proud state of Uganda Police has drained down to this and President Museveni must be with his cattle smirking. Peace.  

UN Secretary-General Report on the DRC: the humanitarian and security situation of March 2016; Unsure situation with Guerrillas, M-23 and coming election!

M23 Goma P3

The Secretary General has written a report on the status of Democratic Republic of Congo. This here is for me the main aspects of it, as I don’t look at the general cooperation’s and work between the countries in the Great Lakes areas, I will not look into the laws and ratifications that DRC as a nation supposed to follow. As this is the UN and the moral authority, as they work together with other nations to set a standard in the nation, and create an environment for peace. Therefore I have picked certain aspects from the report. As it is a continuation of what I have described before and we can see continuation of it. Take a look!

Context of Illegal groups:

“Continued presence of illegal armed groups, including the Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), the Allied Democratic Forces, the Forces de résistance patriotiques de l’Ituri (FRPI) and several Mai-Mai militias, continues to threaten the security and stability of the region and negatively affects the implementation of the Framework. Furthermore, there was little progress towards the repatriation and demobilization of ex-combatants, including from the former Mouvement du 23 mars (M23) and FDLR, registered during the reporting period. The crisis in Burundi and its far-reaching impact have also contributed to the deterioration of the political, security and humanitarian situation in the region” (United Nation, 2016).

M23 Goma

On M23 situation:

“Almost two years after the signing of the Nairobi Declarations by the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the former M23 rebel group, implementation remains stalled. Hundreds of ex-M23 combatants are yet to be repatriated from Rwanda and Uganda” (…)”On 23 October 2015, ex-M23 political leader Bertrand Bisimwa issued a statement asserting that the former rebel group would not continue to honour its commitments under the Nairobi Declarations on the grounds that the Government had deliberately refused to implement its part of the agreement. He further stated that the former rebel group would not accept any attempt to repatriate ex-combatants outside the provisions of the Nairobi Declaration” (…)”The National Oversight Mechanism denounced the lack of will by ex-M23 leaders and recalled the Congolese Government’s efforts to fulfil its commitments, notably by promulgating an amnesty law in February 2014 and by initiating the repatriation of consenting ex-M23 combatants” (…)”On 10 November, Mr. Bisimwa appointed Désiré Rwigema as the new ex-M23 coordinator tasked to oversee the implementation of the Nairobi Declarations in close coordination with the National Oversight Mechanism. Mr. Rwigema replaced René Abandi, who had stepped down as coordinator in January 2015 and is now in charge of transforming the former rebel group into a political party” (United Nation, 2016).

Lusenda Burundi Refugee Camp

Humanitarian Situation:

“The humanitarian situation resulting from the influx of some 245,000 refugees from Burundi into neighbouring countries since April 2015 remains a matter of concern and priority” (…)”Inside Burundi, the crisis has exacerbated the situation faced by an already vulnerable population that includes 25,000 internally displaced persons. Protection of civilians is a growing concern; over 445 people have been killed since violence erupted in April 2015. The country’s instability has also caused the deterioration of already fragile livelihoods, with the result that some 3.6 million people are considered food insecure and 150,000 children under 5 years of age acutely malnourished” (…)”Some 1.5 million people have been internally displaced, while 7.5 million people are in need of assistance throughout the country. The forced closure of the site for internally displaced persons in Mukoto, North Kivu, on 12 January 2016 caused new displacement” (United Nation, 2016).

Human Rights:

“In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, security and intelligence officers have reportedly clamped down on activists and political opponents opposed to changes to the country’s constitutional provision on presidential term limits. As indicated above, the security situation in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo remains volatile, with armed groups, particularly the Allied Democratic Forces and FDLR, carrying out deadly attacks on civilians and committing acts of sexual violence” (United Nation, 2016).

Ladislas Ntaganzwa

Arrests:

“the Congolese National Police arrested Ladislas Ntaganzwa on 8 December 2015, pursuant to an arrest warrant and order to transfer issued by the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals on 7 May 2014. Mr. Ntaganzwa had been indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda for genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, and crimes against humanity, in connection with his actions during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. He had been at large since 19 June 1996 and was allegedly living in North Kivu under the protection of FDLR” (…)”the Government of Rwanda reciprocates by transferring the former leader of the National Congress for the Defence of the People, Laurent Nkunda, as well as other Congolese nationals who are the subject of arrest warrants issued by the Democratic Republic of the Congo. On a related note, little progress was made in bringing to justice six ex-M23 members who are sought on Congolese arrest warrants for war crimes and crimes against humanity” (United Nation, 2016).

drc-election

Elections:

“The past six months have seen a number of electoral processes in the Great Lakes region. Elections will continue to be held in the region over the next two years, and the risk of attendant instability cannot be ruled out. Electoral processes must take place in a fair, transparent, inclusive and non-violent manner” (…)”The Democratic Republic of the Congo is entering a crucial period marked by preparations for a national dialogue ahead of upcoming general elections. I reiterate my call for any dialogue to be inclusive and enable stakeholders to discuss contentious issues in a climate of openness and mutual respect. I urge all Congolese to commit to resolving their differences through dialogue and consultations, with a view to creating the conditions for peaceful, inclusive and credible elections in an environment that provides adequate political space and in which human rights are respected. I express the full support of the United Nations for the former Prime Minister of Togo, Edem Kodjo, in his role as facilitator of the national dialogue” (United Nation, 2016).

Afterthought:

This here should be interesting and also seen as a continuation of the M23 situation and IDPs who has not a secure situation, as the violence, guerrillas, as the Nairobi Declaration is not been acted upon. Therefore the guerrillas are walking free with no pressure as the Nairobi Declaration gives pressure to Rwanda and Uganda who has kept the M23 Guerillas.

The situation is certainly questionable with the Human Rights situation with the arrests of certain people and the troubles of the Electoral Process before the General Election in the DRC, this report is about the general security situation, with the MONUSCO and the guerrillas that the National Army of the DRC work to contain, together with the citizens who lives in the conditions that the army and peacekeepers make. That is why the army and the Congolese have to follow.

The DRC continues to struggle with FDLR and ADF-NALU, also the issue with M-23 and other aspects that make the national security situation volatile and creates the problems for the citizens while the Army and MONUSCO have missions to sustain the guerrillas and secure that the M-23 get the trial and the once that are freed and the once creating a political party, while waiting for the Nairobi Declaration to be followed by the Authorities, and also get the once with the warrants has not been returned and worked on as they did crime against humanity. That is worth thinking about, and why certain government stifle on those guerillas. Peace.

Reference:

United Nation Security Council – ‘Report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Region’ (09.03.2016)

Fellow brothers and sisters lose their lives because of ballots and rigging; I am in sorrow and in pain; elections feels pointless, but the struggle should continue in peace, as we should not act as the oppressor, because then we are the same

Mandela Quote

It’s saddens me and with sorrow is coming to me. As the knowledge of people dying for politics… people dying for rigging of ballots, dying for pre-ticked ballots, dying for others people’s power.

It is saddens me, as some people are mourning, not only the thieving of their ballot, but their family member suddenly gone from their lives. Which is the biggest loss a fellow human being can have, as the family member can’t return back to them, the person is gone. What we can back is a bottle of coke or waragin, but not the brother who got killed as a candidate got the UPDF or the Uganda Police Force to assert actions in Kasese today as a result of the Local Council III election in a sub-county in Kasese District. It is so sad to see the footage and the unnecessary deaths. The men and woman was unarmed while the Police Officers was having newly polished AK-47 and shooting at them.

It saddens me this as the unsolved murder of Christopher Aine is still in the limbo, as the family and the Amama Mbabazi of Go-Forward has not gotten answers from the authorities or the police, as they are supposed to pick up intelligence to solve the matter.

It is with sorrow that the public has not gotten answers with the fellow persons who came onto the shores of Lake Victoria in December 2015, in the middle of campaigning and right around Christmas. So the silence of the matter is tale of sorrow and pain that has been addressed or talked about as they just died and the society or families deserve to get the justice for the men and woman who lost their lives at the time.

It’s saddens me knowing that a person got bombed on the day before the presidential poll on the 17th February. The bomb and explosion has not led to anything or created anything else than pain for the families who lost their loved ones.

It is with sorrow that the killings are getting staggering levels after the Presidential Election Day on the 18th February 2016 and the Announcement on the 20th of February 2016. From the demonstrators who even got killed on the 15th February as they wanted to Kizza Besigye passage through Central Kampala. They all died and we can ask are this what we all wanted?

That people are dying for seeing a politician, even if he is the epitome of everything the regime of the country is not. It is not easy to write this as a man died while waiting in que for the delayed ballots. The person just wanted to do his civic duty, not die for the soil. It seems so pointless, as he would have thrown a vote that most likely the Electoral Commission would not admit in their final result, as the stations would not be deemed valid by Eng. Dr. Badru Kiggundu and his henchmen.

It’s saddens me what happen in Sembabule district on the 25th February 2016, an Election Supervisor got beaten to death. He was beaten to death by unknown men. It saddens to know that an unknown killed him. Feels sorrow for his family and loved ones, as he was just doing a duty for the rigged voting machine.

It’s with sorrow that a giant group of people died in Bundibugyo on the 27th February 2016, and even more people has fled the area in the aftermath. As the area that has seen guerrilla violence, also see skirmishes between government forces because of local elections. It seems so pointless to die for yet another ballot.

It is with sadness that 3 people lost their lives in Soroti on the 5th March. As the UPDF killed them and injured even more people. The sadness of loss their lives and the killings from the government force on yet another day.

It is with sorrow that two police officers we’re shot dead during the raid of Kapchormwa on the 5th March of an unknown guerrilla, UPDF deserters or rebels. It is with sadness that the attack happens on these men as they have family and friends.

On the 11th February today, have many unarmed and ordinary citizens been shot in Kasese District, for no other notion than election result and election rigging. In the power of bullets and ballots have yet more fellow human beings lost their lives.

It is in the this notion I cry havoc, the deep pain of these men and woman who died for a cause, for a country or for just being near the decisions of big men. Many of them was not closely involved in politics, some of them was a part of the government as men who worked for that salary, not necessary that they had a pro-government stance and for the oppressive regime who have taken most of these lives. Even though the ones who takes a life does not always matter, because the most important one is the life that got taken away.

I cry and weep in sorrow. As the people who see and feel the emotions and knowingly the bullets in Kasese could have pointed towards us, pointed towards our brother and pointed towards our sister. We could be the target and the random person who got our life snatched away for the mercy of the men of power.

It’s in sadness and staring into the abyss, as some people might wish to retaliate with the same force as the government, as the police and the army. But if they kill and the opposition kills, who can you tell apart? If they tear-gas us and we try to tear-gas them, what is the difference between them and us? If we answer violence with violence aren’t we are the same as our enemies? Let us not be as the one that brings pain to our homes. We need to defy the state by defiance and in disobedience that weakens the state, not use the violence and killing methods of the state. As we who feels this pain and sorrow does not want to deliver the same pain to our enemies. As we are not the same and does not wish to be the same; we are different. We suffer with the ones who suffer, the ones who has lost their family members and the ones that has been in the midst of the dark tombs of the state. Not because we understand their pain and suffering, but because we care and want to bring the peace, liberty and justice, by defying with peaceful means, and through the dignity and honor  the fallen brother and sisters.

We cannot in this pain and violence, join the ones who kills and destroy, the ones that steals and corrupt. The ones that deliberately tortures, detain and arrest innocent citizens, activist and opposition. We are here today in the midst of our pain, our sorrow and with meager hope. As we have seen the government machine and the military police force go and take lives in Kasese. The pain that eat our hearts and souls as the lives matters as much as ours. We could have been the ones the government had picked. They didn’t pick us now, but we could been; therefore we have to remember them and the others who are detained, arrested, who are missing and the ones who lost their lives today and yesterday. As tomorrow will soon shine over us; the pain, the sorrow and the sadness will still be carried, the memory of the actions of our oppressors, but know that our struggle is not over and the fight for justice still has to come. The road might lead us into even a darker shadow and a stronger pain as the government plan is not easy to predict. What we can is stay strong together, remember the violence, remember the ones that got lost, remember the ones that are detained and carry them with us. As they shall not be forgotten and the men and woman dying shall not be in vein; but not done in return in a way where family members of the ones who oppress get the same sorrow and pain. Then we are not different from the ones that take us for granted and take the one we care about right in front of us. Peace.

Quotes and Outtakes from the newest UN Report on Violence in South Sudan!

South Sudan Cartoon

Here is the basic outtake from a report that was released on the 9th March 2016 from the United Nations Office of Human Rights Council. This focused on the matters of human rights and dignity, as it looks at the laws and regulations, how the state affairs with the matter and create safety and security for their people while not taken away their trust and their justice as free men and woman. As the Government of South Sudan has signed and ratified certain statues and human rights laws into their own as a civilized government who want to be respected and seen as a respectable state.

The major problems and issues is not only stemming from sexual violence towards the public as many has addressed, I have also taken that into the picture, but I want to show you the more of it, but not go into the laws and the ratifications, as that is important. For the moment we should all just see the pains that have unjustified hit many of the South Sudanese as the differences between Generals has hurt them. Take a look!

Salva Kiir P2

Internally Displaced Persons in South Sudan:

“By December 2014, more than 1.4 million South Sudanese had been displaced internally, while approximately 467,000 people had fled to surrounding countries. Additionally, roughly four million people in the country faced serious food insecurity. Humanitarian access continued to be hampered by fighting and violence perpetrated by both parties to the conflict against aid workers, equipment and infrastructure. In Unity and Upper Nile states, active hostilities and insecurity continued to disrupt humanitarian assistance as well as, road and air access” (…)”By mid-December 2014, more than 100,000 civilians were housed in UNMISS compounds – designated “protection of civilians sites” (POC sites) – because they were too afraid to return home, fearing potential violence. The bulk of these internally displaced persons (IDPs) were in Bentiu (43,000 people), Juba (32,000) and Malakal (17,000)” (UN OHRC, 2016)

Violence against IDPs:

“For example in Bentiu the SPLA soldiers have taken aggressive postures towards civilians in the PoC site. On 30 September, UNMISS witnessed approximately 20 SPLA soldiers in uniform, including child soldiers, outside the entrance of the PoC site pointing their weapons, including a vehicle with a mounted machine gun” (UN OHRC, 2016).

In Lakes State:

“In Lakes State, inter-communal conflict among different Dinka clans has continued despite efforts by the Government and state authorities to defuse tensions. Revenge attacks, including acts of sexual violence, continued in relation to the killing of a Paramount Chief in Cuei-Chok Payam on 5 August. In response to the violence, the Government has increased its security presence in the State. However, this has given rise to further violations as a result of heavy handed measures sometimes adopted by the security forces” (UN OHRC, 2016).

In Easter Equatoria:

“Eastern Equatoria has also witnessed major incidents of inter-communal violence, including on 6 December, in Loronyo, Torit, where several civilians, including women and children were killed. Reports received indicated that human rights violations were committed by security forces sent to the area in response to the violence, including sexual violence and looting of property. Likewise, the deterioration in the security situation in Chukudum in Budi County, Eastern Equatoria, in September and October, led to allegations of human rights violations by the SPLA, including arbitrary detention, torture and extra-judicial killings” (UN OHRC, 2016).

In Western Equatoria:

“In Western Equatoria, the influx of armed Dinka pastoralists from Lakes and Jonglei with their large numbers of cattle has seen an increase in tension with host communities, particularly in the Mundri West County areas.  In Central Equatoria State, UNMISS monitored developments in clashes between the Kuku and Madi communities spanning the border between Kajo Keji in South Sudan and Moyo district in Uganda, resulting in several deaths in both communities and the displacement of between 8,000 and 10,000 civilians from the Ugandan side to the South Sudanese side of the border” (UN OHRC, 2016).

UNMISS

Conflict related sexual violence:

“State officials allege that at least 20 women were abducted from Souq sabi, Dere, and Lich University and taken to Guit and Nhialdiu. Allegations have also been made that SPLM/A-IO used rape as a punishment for suspected Government sympathizers” (…)”In another incident, in December, three women out of a group of 30 were reportedly raped by SPLA soldiers while proceeding to a village located near the PoC site in Bentiu, after soldiers allegedly asked them to join them and then shot at the group” (…)”Incidents of sexual violence have also been reported in the context of inter-communal violence. In Lakes State, women and children have reportedly been used as proxies for revenge, including through rape. In Rumbek East, the allegation that the paramount chief of the Guony clan was murdered by the Thuyic clan reportedly ignited a wave of retaliatory attacks, including reports of rape against women and children” (UN OHRC, 2016).

Child Soldiers:

“Child soldiers have been observed in Bentiu, Malakal and Kuajok. Between September and November, UNICEF documented more than 70 incidents of grave violations against children affecting more than 2,000 children” (…)”During the reporting period, the SPLA issued new orders prohibiting the recruitment and use of children by the SPLA as well as occupation of schools. On 8 October, the United Nations submitted to the Government and SPLA a list of 20 schools reportedly used by the SPLA for military purposes” (UN OHRC, 2016).

I think the words in the reports say’s enough and I won’t comment on it; as the violence and actions are so straightforward and harsh. The people are victims and the reasons behind it should be sorted out. As they are violated, injured, harassed and killed by armies and militias while they are searching for power or keeping power. Peace.

Reference:

UN Human Rights Council – A/HRC/28/49: “Report on the human rights situation in South Sudan” (09.03.2016)

Statement by Mabarizi: “When the victim is to blame” (10.03.2015)

Mabirizi Debate16

1. When my brother Kizza Besigye bandaged his hand after he was shot by a rubber bullet in his finger during the walk to work protests of 2011, a government minister said he was lying – that “he was using the bandage and arm sling to attract sympathy”.

2. When Police undressed FDC Women leader along Masaka Road on her way to Rukungiri, police said she had “undressed herself”.

3. At the start of my presidential campaign in Busoga,when I was abducted my men in military uniform never mind that I was under the watch of 11 counter terrorism policemen who had been placed to guard me 24 hours a day even as I use the bathroom, “They said I had kidnapped myself. That I was a comedian”.

4. When armed personnel broke into my brother Amama’s petition lawyers’ offices they say it was an inside job; “that the lawyers broke into their own offices and stole their own computers and documents..

Lets wait to see who abducts himself next.

You cannot fool all the people all the time.

For God and my Country.

Elton Joseph Mabirizi