The Power of arguments during the UN Security Council on the Security and Stability in the Great Lakes Region

East-Africa

There been talk about the long terms in Great Lakes Regions, as the big-men lingers, it is a tale I written about for a long time. That Samantha Power addressed it yesterday during the United Nations Security Council in New York. This is where she was direct to the Presidents of the area on accountability and democratic values.

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On President Kabila

“The DRC is not the only country in the region where civil society is threatened, or where democratic processes are being deliberately undermined. This, unfortunately, has been the accelerating trend in recent months – evident at the top, where leaders make increasingly blatant power grabs to remain in office”.

This here a remark on the long-term plan for President Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) who is thinking and making the possibility for a third term in the coming election. This is together with the detaining and jailing the opposition and human rights activists. That is what she is calling this grabbing the power and office, which is true. He plans to continue his power and leave the public wish behind even with the #Telema uprising. Still he want to linger and keep the power in his reach as the Executive. So the coming time will be interesting to see how far President Kabila will go to keep power and how much he oppress the other candidates, medias and civil society during the pre-election period in the country.

KagameCartoon

 

On President Kagame

“The United States remains deeply committed to our partnership with Rwanda, but the continued absence of political space – the inability of individuals and journalists to discuss political affairs or report on issues of public concern – poses a serious risk to Rwanda’s future stability. Rwanda can achieve lasting peace and prosperity through a government centered on the principle of democratic accountability, not centered on any one single individual”.  

Here the American is singling out the Rwandan President and his work to get a third term for President Kagame, who has first been the Vice-President, then the President. He has been a central figure in the political framework since the Genocide in the country. Kagame might have built a steady economy, but killed the democratic values as he strengthens the powers and government: President Kagame has steady getting rid of opposition and silencing them.

MuseveniandIdiAmin

On President Museveni

“The government and its security forces detained opposition figures without legal justification, harassed their supporters, and intimidated the media. It passed legislation restricting the operations of NGOs, banning them from acting against the “interests of Uganda.” President Museveni’s actions contravene the rule of law and jeopardize Uganda’s democratic progress, threatening Uganda’s future stability and prosperity”.

A man I have discussed and written page up and page down. This is all not news, as the detaining opposition, rigging the election and shutting down the media. As media and radio stations lost transmitters because of their content during the pre-election period, even loses the passes to go the NRM rallies for being against the President. Having NGOs and seeming them as a problem. That the U.S. now claims that Museveni is the man who creates unstable society seems viable, as the creates lawlessness where a Presidential Candidate can be detained for no “charges”, detained witnesses and rewritten the Candidates Declarations Form from the Polling Stations to fit the announced Election Day results; so they fit the result wished from President Museveni, and not the people’s will. NRM more owns the country, then getting the blessing to control the country. It is in that disregard that President Museveni clearly didn’t recognize the power he controls and what he has lost. As he needs more the army and guns to keep it, while losing the goodwill of his own citizens; also the trust between the government and people is gone; that is what creates an unstable future.

Burundi Cartoon

On President Nkurunziza

“We need look no further than Burundi to see the dangers of pursuing personal power over the people’s interests. Burundi’s economy grew steadily for a decade, but contracted by an estimated 7 percent last year. President Nkurunziza’s decision to stay in office in defiance of the Arusha Accords and his crackdown on political opposition have swiftly undone the country’s progress of recent years. This is evident in the widespread reports of sexual violence, the more than 400 people who have been killed, the 250,000-plus who have fled the country, and the even-more challenging economic times that unfortunately lie ahead”.

President Nkurunziza made sure with a little fix in court right before the election to secure a third term, as even the opposition decided to skip the election, as the result was fitting the President to keep power. This in turn led to the failed Coup d’état and after been a civil unrest and crises. Which has led to people fleeing and recurring violence has ever since happen, opposition leaders killed, tried assassinations and governmental leaders killed. Even top officials and ministers have fled the country to safety as the power of unstable forces happens in the country, even circulated that the Rwandan Government have sponsored militias to coup the power and settle the regime in the country. The Army strength even with the international problems and suspending the aid; even having issues with inter-Burundian inclusive dialogue that even

US Magazine Zaire LR

Here is the remarks from the Burundian, Congolese and Rwandan officials as they re-addressed Samantha Power during the Security Council meeting with this.  

ALAIN AIMÉ NYAMITWE, Minister for External Relations and International Cooperation of Burundi, said” his country was recovering from a massive and severe campaign of violent regime change.  Contrary to the rhetoric used in the Council, the security situation was improving, he said, adding that, on the human rights front, the Government had issued a presidential decree granting pardons to 2,000 prisoners.  While emphasizing his understanding of the legitimate concerns raised by Member States, he invited them to understand Burundi’s peculiar situation.  It was difficult to understand some of the decisions made against Burundi, he said, pointing out that cutting aid to the Government did not fall into the category of decisions aimed at stabilizing the country” (…)”On Burundi’s cooperation with the United Nations, he noted that the Government had demonstrated its openness to working with the Secretary-General’s Special Adviser, stressing the need to discuss the deployment of his office to Burundi.  Turning to Rwanda’s actions against his country, he emphasized that such acts of aggression contravened the United Nations Charter and the Framework agreement”.

RAYMOND TSHIBANDA N’TUNGAMULONGO, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said “the recurring conflicts in the Great Lakes region were the result of the moral and political failings of the elite, which had resulted in a selective application of international law.  Nevertheless, the spirit of the United Nations Charter was alive and well in the region, he said, pointing out that, since the creation of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, the signing of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework, and the adoption of the relevant Council resolutions, his country had been one of their most responsible implementers.  The Democratic Republic of the Congo continued its collaboration with MONUSCO, and the country’s struggle would not end until the remaining retrograde forces and armed groups had been neutralized”, he emphasized (…)”The Democratic Republic of the Congo called upon other signatory States of international and regional instruments to be scrupulous in their implementation, with a particular eye to non-interference in the affairs of other States, and asked them not to provide assistance to retrograde armed groups.  He called for the adoption of policies that would encourage private investment and regional cooperation in order to achieve balanced development.  “The wounds of the past cannot lock us forever in a hopeless situation,” he emphasized, calling upon all States in the region to eschew the use of force for dialogue in settling disputes”.

EUGÈNE-RICHARD GASANA, Minister of State for Cooperation of Rwanda, said “that, while conflict prevention and resolution had become the centrepiece of the work of the United Nations since the 1994 genocide in his country, the concept had been used more in theory than in practice.  The Council was still much more focused on crisis management than on crisis prevention.  Instead, early warning mechanisms should guide its efforts to prevent conflict.  In the Great Lakes region, very few efforts deployed had been aimed at addressing the root causes of conflict, he noted, adding that the current situation in Burundi proved that the region was far from stable.  That country was in political turmoil, with State-sponsored militias killing civilians in broad daylight.  Unsubstantiated allegations against Rwanda by the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo were yet another attempt to shift responsibility away from the real causes of conflict, he said, stressing that his country should not be “negatively exploited” by those who were expected to find solutions to the crisis in Burundi” (…)”In conclusion, he responded to the statement by the representative of the United States by noting:  “Ms. Power does not have power over Rwanda”.  She should avoid lumping the countries of the Great Lakes region together because there was no “one-size-fits-all” solution to their problems.  Moreover, no other country could occupy Rwanda’s political space, he added”.

That was the defense for the remarks from the United States of America during the UN Security Council. They all defended the authority and sovereignty in different ways, thought the Burundian government claims the suspension of aid is not stabilizing the county. The DRC officials was more on the implemented laws and the ratifications as a recognition of what his government has done to be a better society and would not step the United States comments on the leaders. The Rwandan Official was more on the defensive telling the Security Council that they we’re not at fault for the violence in the DRC or Burundi as the violence is state-sponsored by the Congolese and Burundian, and they are not involved. They claim they are victims by the neighbor countries and do not accept the stance of the United States. Just as Rwandan Government says that Mrs. Power does not have over Rwanda and feels the urge to say so. All of this here is interesting and should be discussed as this is a high-end discussion in the United Nations. This is firmly not over as the situation in the Great Lakes area is tense and interesting as the Big-Men keeps power at any cost and at any price of lives and justice. The world will discuss it and the question remain will it be more than words or just silently. Peace.

 

The President’s Black Book Chapter 3: Bemba and Museveni; what is the ties between the two big-men?

Jeune African Bembe Cover

It’s recently been a court ruling in the International Criminal Court where Jean-Pierre Bemba was sentenced and guilty of crimes against humanity. As this happen there been questions about his sponsors and his actions, was it for his own cause or was it for the greater good? As the violence he spread in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was during the wars in late 90s and beginning 2000s as the Rwandan and Ugandan ignited the wars the neighbor country, even sponsoring guerrillas, while fighting other forces there, as they we’re using different methods even when the world was telling the RPA and UPDF to leave, while the guerrillas would still cover areas of minerals close to the borders, to secure funding for the governments of the neighbor countries. They will by all means repute this as this shadows their reign, but the moneys and sudden export of minerals without sustainable investments and business-growth proves that there was sudden changes by the warfare in the DRC.

In this picture President Museveni did what he could to have allies inside the DRC, so he could have business and projects there to reach his power and make himself even stronger. That has been his game since day one; not only to get rid of the leaders around him who is not loyal towards him, but also to get people who he knows is loyal to him no matter what.

Jean-Pierre Bemba was a useful tool and an allied who even with brokered peace gave more influence of Uganda into the DRC politics, as he was stationed as Vice-President under President Laurent Kabila, while this wouldn’t last, as the Ugandan and Rwandan did not like the idea of being distanced from the State House in Kinshasa. So as the time and dwindling reactions, the neighbors went into attack again, that ousted the transitional government and took down a second president in the DRC! In that picture and time, comes the relationship between Bemba and Museveni, Especially after the human rights violations and victims of war, as the spoils of it cost honor and integrity, also the visible. Even if the relations between the men and their armies lost their value, the open sponsorship and even training at one point proves how Museveni used his power and reach to put his fortune into the leadership of Bemba and his MLC. Take a look at what I have found about this men!

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About the MLC:

“Current Leader: Jean-Pierre Bemba

Based in Gbadolite, the MLC has been backed by Uganda since the start of the war in 1998 although there have been occasional differences between the two. The MLC tried twice to establish a foothold in Ituri: in 2001 Bemba had nominal control of the short-lived FPC coalition of Ugandan- backed rebel groups and in 2002 the MLC attacked Mambasa in western Ituri but were forced backed by the APC of Mbusa Nyamwisi. The MLC has occasionally fought alongside the UPC and has been a rival of Mbusa’s RCD-ML” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

Bemba creating his army:

“In spring 1998, Bemba sought to motivate a group of Congolese exiles to join an armed struggle with support from Kampala. He elaborated a political program with a network of friends and former classmates and discussed financing and training with Museveni. By Bemba’s own account, he met Museveni while exporting fish to Belgium through Uganda in the early 1990s, though it is widely believed that Mobutu used Bemba’s aviation companies to transport goods for Jonas Savimbi, then leader of União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA), through Uganda throughout the 1980s. Another account claims that Bemba met Museveni through Museveni’s half-brother, General Salim Saleh, then chief of staff of the UPDF, while seeking to establish a link between ex-FAZ troops cantoned at the Kitona military base in southern DRC and UNITA forces in Angola. The MLC emphatically denies any involvement with the Angolan insurgency movement. But the firm belief, at least in Luanda, that Bemba, Uganda, and Rwanda had links to UNITA largely accounts for Angola’s switching sides in the Second Congo War to back Laurent Kabila and its strong antipathy toward Bemba to this day” (Carayannis, 2008).

Bemba in 1999:

“The main Goma faction of the rebel RCD on Monday welcomed Bemba’s signing of the accord. Its leader, Emile Ilunga, claimed Bemba was “not to be trusted”, but added: “We are gratified to learn that he has signed the accord as we had hoped he would. We have always wanted to sign the accord together with him”, Radio France Internationale reported” (…) “Ilunga, who was due to travel to Uganda on Monday evening for a meeting with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, earlier that day accused Uganda of not respecting the rebels’ decision-making process. “Wamba has no troops, and there is no point in his signing the ceasefire agreement … We’re astonished by Ugandan support of an individual, rather than working in the interest of the Congolese people,” AP news agency quoted Ilunga as saying”(IRIN, 1999).

“Jean-Pierre Bemba, a millionaire businessman and leader of the Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC), was accompanied to the signing in Lusaka by a senior aide of the Ugandan president, Yoweri Museveni, and by Tanzania’s foreign minister, Jakaya Kikwete, officials said” (…)”But Mr Bemba warned that he would go back to war if a rival rebel group did not sign a truce within a week” (…)“Referring to the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD), which has refused to sign the truce, he told Reuters: “If they do not sign within seven days, I will continue the fight to Kinshasa.” The RCD and Mr Bemba’s forces control 50% of Congo’s territory” (Gough, 1999). “Speaking to IPS by satellite-link, Bemba, who is also backed by Uganda, said it was too early to say whether the peace would hold, “but for the time things are very quiet, with no fighting near us” (Simpson, 1999).

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Bemba in 2000:

“A few days ago, Jean-Pierre Bemba, the rebel leader in Equateur Province, issued a challenge to Mr. Kabila and major Western nations that pushed the accord with more vigor than any of those who signed it” (…)”‘We are at a turning point,” Mr. Bemba, a 38-year-old businessman-turned-rebel, said this week in Gbadolite, his headquarters. ”Is Lusaka alive still or not? That is the question.” (…)”It is not certain whether Mr. Bemba is capable militarily of closing the airport. Nor is it clear if his major sponsor, President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, would give his approval given that Mr. Museveni’s own friends, the United States and many European nations, would probably hold him responsible for such a departure from the Lusaka accord” (Fisher, 2000).

Bemba in 2001:

“But Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni also reiterated his commitment to pulling his troops from neighboring Congo, saying now that they have defeated Ugandan rebels operating there, it was time for his forces to leave. The force Museveni claims to have defeated is the Allied Democratic Front, a small Ugandan rebel group that has attacked villages throughout western Uganda from bases in Congo” (…)”Some participants appeared unconcerned that Uganda was pulling out of the peace agreement, and were pleased that Museveni would still withdraw his troops. “If the government decides to withdraw its forces from the Congo, it’s always favorable. This is in line with the Lusaka agreement,” said Kamel Morjane, the U.N. special representative for Congo. “If all parties show their goodwill there is no risk.” (…)”Kikaya Bin Karubi, the Congolese information minister, welcomed the promised troop withdrawal and said his country would stick with the Lusaka peace agreement no matter what. The leader of the Ugandan-backed rebels, Congolese Liberation Front Chairman Jean-Pierre Bemba, said the decision would have little impact on the war since, he insisted, Ugandan troops had not been involved in the fighting. Uganda is estimated to have had at least 10,000 troops in Congo at the peak of the war” (Muleme, 2001).

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UN Allegation:

“In 2001, when Bemba took the reins of the unified movement RCD/ML, now called the FLC, he tried in January to broker an agreement between the Hema and Lendu belligerants. He got more than 150 traditional chiefs to participate in this agreement (had the Ugandans acted unilaterally, they would never have managed to achieve this), thus securing a halt to military training and youth recruitment by the UPDF, a measure of security on the roads, food security for the livestock, and the appointment of a governor who was not from the region as a way of providing greater assurance to all the parties. In the end, though, it was Bemba’s dependence on the Ugandans that frustrated the entire peace process” (…)”On more than one occasion, Bemba tried to exert his influence over the Ugandan Government, but Uganda ultimately took the final decisions” (…)”In July 2001, thanks to the efforts of the Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, the Mouvement de Libération du Congo and RDC/Bunia joined forces, taking with them Rober Lubala’s RCD/National and thus forming the Front de Libération du Congo (FLC)” (Garreton, 2009).

Bemba in 2002:

“Another former rebel movement backed by Uganda, the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie-Kisangani-Mouvement de liberation (RCD-K-ML), was pessimistic about prospects for the success of the Kabila-Museveni accord” (…)“The DRC is faced with two Ugandas – that of Yoweri Museveni, who acts from a distance in Kampala, and that of his army officers and soldiers involved in the ongoing pillage of gold and diamonds in Ituri [region, northeastern DRC],” said Honore Kadima, in charge of RCD-K-ML external relations. “I don’t see either of these Ugandas adhering to even one comma of the Luanda accord.” (IRIN, 2002). “The mutiny marked the return to prominence of the commanders who had been behind the earlier CMF mutiny. Following their training in Kyankwanzi (for new recruits) and Jinja (for officers), most of them had been sent to Equateur Province to join the MLC’s armed wing. After some months of fighting for Bemba, the soldiers had grown increasingly frustrated. They knew that fellow Hema were still dying in Ituri’s inter-ethnic clashes, and they felt that the MLC used them ‘like dogs’” (Tamm, 2013).

Some more on the MLC:

“The MLC had been involved in Ituri during the short-lived agreement of the Front for the Liberation of Congo (FLC), a platform of the MLC, RCD-N and the RCD-ML, sponsored by Uganda under the leadership of Jean Pierre Bemba. But Nyamwisi refused to accept Bemba’s leadership in Ituri and his forces pushed Bemba and the MLC troops out of Beni and Bunia. In the last months of 2002, the MLC tried to fight its way back into Ituri with the support of Roger Lumbala’s RCD-N, claiming that Nyamwisi had violated the Lusaka Accord. In doing so, their combatants committed violations of international humanitarian law including the deliberate killing of civilians, numerous cases of rape, looting and some acts of cannibalism. Some of these violations may have been directed at the Nande ethnic group, targeted for their connection with Nyamwisi, himself a Nande” (Human Rights Watch, 2003).

ICC Court

ICJ Court case claims:

“The DRC claims to have seised an abandoned tank used in the Kitona attack. The Reply alleges the tank is Ugandan because it is the same mode1 as a tank used later by Congolese rebel leader Jean-Pierre Bemba, who allegedly received his tank from Uganda. (DRCR, para. 2.40.)” (…)”Clearly Bemba’s hesitations vis-à-vis the inter-Congolese negotiations and the disengagement are linked to his quick enrichment, the greed of his Ugandan offïcer godfathers and the politics of self-aggrandizement practiced by his opportunistic, wandering ministers who annoy the people.” (ICJ, 2002).

ICJ Ruling document says:

“For its part, Uganda acknowledges that it assisted the MLC during fighting between late September 1998 and July 1999, while insisting that its assistance to Mr. Bemba “was always limited and heavily conditioned”. Uganda has explained that it gave “just enough” military support to the MLC to help Uganda achieve its objectives of driving out the Sudanese and Chadian troops from the DRC, and of taking over the airfields between Gbadolite and the Ugandan border; Uganda asserts that it did not go beyond this” (ICJ, 2005).

Cooperation in DRC during the war claims:

“The cooperation of the allied MLC rebel force was secured by the pre-payment of taxes. A letter from MLC commander Jean-Pierre Bemba informed civil and military authorities that Victoria was authorised to do business in the towns of Isirio, Bunia, Bondo, Buta, Kisangani and Beni (Ugandan Judicial Commission, Final Report, op. cit., 21.3.4, p.119). This letter was counter-signed by Kazini who further instructed his commanders in the same towns to allow Victoria to conduct its business ‘uninterrupted by anybody.’ The exception was Kisangani town itself, administered by an RCD-Goma backed Governor, although the UPDF controlled areas to the north of the town. Kazini issued a veiled threat to the Governor to cooperate with Victoria and later conspired to appoint Adele Lotsove as Governor of the new Province of Ituri in order to take control of the mineral producing areas, including those previously administrated by Kisangani (ibid., 21.3.4, p.122). In his reply to the Panel, Kazini stated: ‘In some cases, as in the case of Madame Adele Lotsove, in Ituri Province, our duty was confined to supporting existing administration (the Panel report concedes that Madame Lotsove had been appointed by Mobutu and was continued in office by Kabila).’ (See Reaction No.47, written statement from Major General James Kazini to the Panel, reproduced in UN Panel, Addendum, 20 June 2003, op. cit.)” (RAID, 2004).

From the WikiLeaks:

“During a May 24 meeting with Vice President Azarias Ruberwa, the Ambassador asked Ruberwa about his trip to Kampala for the inauguration of Ugandan President Museveni,  and the reported long meeting between the two.  Speaking from memory, Ruberwa provided an extensive read-out, noting by way of preamble that Museveni is a “complicated” person, and often difficult to read” (…)”According to Ruberwa, Museveni flatly denied that  there is continuing Kampala support of Congolese militia  groups.  Ruberwa said that Museveni added that the last support Uganda had provided to armed groups in the Congo was that given to Jean-Pierre Bemba’s MLC, and to combatants associated with Mbusa Nyamwisi. Ruberwa observed that Mbusa was next to him in the same meeting, but did not respond to the Museveni comment” (…)”Ruberwa noted, for example, that if all the detained MRC leaders were found with weapons, all inside Ugandan territory, it seemed logical to assume these weapons would find their way to Ituri, in apparent contradiction to Museveni’s assertions that there are no further arms flows from Uganda to support Congolese armed groups. In any event, Ruberwa asserted it is good periodically to point out to Museveni that the Congolese are aware of what is going on. The Ambassador asked if Museveni did not know that already. Ruberwa said “maybe,” but it seems useful to make it clear. Ruberwa added he believes it important for Kinshasa to send a senior-level person to Kampala to have an exchange with Museveni perhaps every three months to help avoid a major clash between the two governments” (WikiLeaks, 2006).

214850-congo-democratic Bemba 2006

Hope this was insightful and gives an edge as the reports are steady and many. Not only a one place and one person who thinks that there is a specific connection between President Museveni and Jean-Pierre Bemba of the MLC! That is very clear and the ways it happen and the timing prove the value Bemba had for Museveni and his ambition in the DRC. The excuse was always internal guerrillas who moved to DRC like ADF-NALU and LRA, but we all know that more to bait and more to gain by taking mineral rich areas and create businesses and use ammunition to gain that. That is something that never been an issue for Museveni as his best tool is a weapon, not negotiations and agreements, they can break when he see he has the upper-hand and ability to score over his counterparts.

Something he surely will do again. Bemba might never surface with the MLC and the Party MLC in any election in the DRC. As the ICC gave him a verdict and court ruling which set precedence for his life.

I know that the Yellow Men of NRM, and the NRM-Regime will fight against this and say something else, as even Amama Mbabazi did at his time in the ICC to fight the case between Uganda and the DRC on the reasons for the aggression from them. The same might happen again and the viciousness and ruthlessness of the President is visible, as those who studies his history(not the one he has rewritten) but more the remarks and voices around him, you’ll see the temperament and attitude of bush-warfare that is instilled in him, and not the political person or even a statesman of a like which he seems to be. Peace.

Reference:

Carayannis, Tatiana – ‘Elections in the DRC – The Bemba Surprise’ (February 2008).

Fisher, Ian – ‘Congo’s War Triumphs Over Peace Accord’ (13.09.2000) link: http://www.nytimes.com/2000/09/18/world/congo-s-war-triumphs-over-peace-accord.html?pagewanted=all

Garreton, Roberto – ‘REPORT FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT DOCUMENT ICC 01/04-01/06’ – MANDATE OF THE SPECIAL REPORT ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN ZAIRE (20.02.2009)

Gough, David – ‘Peace of the dead in Congo forests’ (02.08.1999) link: http://www.theguardian.com/world/1999/aug/02/6

Muleme, Geoffrey – ‘Uganda Withdraws From Congo Accord’ (30.03.2001) link: https://www.globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/181/33411.html

Human Rights Watch – ‘Democratic Republic of Congo – Volume 15. Number 11. (A)’ – “ITURI: “COVERED IN BLOOD” Ethnically Targeted Violence In Northeastern DR Congo” (July 2003)

IRIN – ‘Bemba signs Lusaka accord for MLC’ (03.08.1999) link: http://www.irinnews.org/news/1999/08/03/bemba-signs-lusaka-accord-mlc

IRIN – ‘DRC: Kabila and Museveni sign troop withdrawal protocol’ (09.09.2002) link: http://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/drc-kabila-and-museveni-sign-troop-withdrawal-protocol

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO – DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO

  1. UGANDA RE JOINDER SUBMITTED BY THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA VOLUME 1’ (06.12.2002)

International Court of Justice – ‘CASE CONCERNING ARMED ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE CONGO (DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO v. UGANDA) – 2005 19 December General List No. 116 (19.12.2005)

RAID – ‘Unanswered questions Companies, conflict and the Democratic Republic of Congo’ (May 2004)

Simpson, Chris – ‘POLITICS: Little To Suggest The Congolese Peace Accord Will Hold’ (06.09.1999) link: http://www.ipsnews.net/1999/09/politics-little-to-suggest-the-congolese-peace-accord-will-hold/

Tamm, Henning – ‘UPC in Ituri The external militarization of local politics in north-eastern Congo’ (2013)

 

WikiLeaks –‘RUBERWA ACCOUNT OF MAY MEETING WITH UGANDA PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’ (02.06.2006) link: https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06KINSHASA876_a.html

Readout of the Secretary-General’s meeting with H.E. Mr. Alain Aimé Nyamitwe, Minister of External Relations and International Cooperation of the Republic of Burundi

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NEW YORK, United States of America, March 23, 2016The Secretary-General met today with H.E. Mr. Alain Aimé Nyamitwe, Minister of External Relations and International Cooperation of the Republic of Burundi. The Secretary-General took note of the confidence-building measures announced by the Government of Burundi during his recent visit to the country and looked forward to their full implementation. He encouraged the Government to redouble its efforts to find a political solution to the current crisis through an inclusive dialogue. The Secretary-General urged the Government to protect the lives of all civilians and ensure that perpetrators of human rights violations are held accountable.
The Secretary-General and the Minister exchanged views on the facilitation led by the Eastern African Community (EAC). They discussed ways to enhance cooperation between Burundi, the EAC, the African Union, and the United Nations.

Another day, another day of violating human rights of movement for everybody who is not Mzee; CP Enaga argues for continuing a “house-arrest” even if court rules against it!

Kasangati 22.03.2016 P2

Today again, after the Kasangati Magistrate Court decided over night to send the court petition to Criminal Division Kampala North. This here is another detail into the compiling case of criminal activity against the Presidential Candidate and the opposition leader of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). That has been over the edge and continuing disregard for justice for anybody else than Mzee and his elite click in the NRM. Just read his day’s quote!

Today’s message for CP Enaga:

“Even after court ruling, we’ll pull a few metres away from Besigye’s home, but we’ll not leave completely” (…)”Police stated they want Dr. Besigye to disown the defiance message he has been preaching before and after elections” (Issa, 2016).

This here proves the disregard for justice and lawfulness that are in the country as the Police and Army can do as they please and use any kind of excuses to not care for civility or justice for fellow countrymen. Even if the courts and by understanding of law justifies them to leave the home of Dr. Kizza Besigye, they will still monitor him and keep him under siege as he felon.

I find it ironic that they still have issues with the message of defying the government and state, while they are arresting the people’s president and the people who do not need security organizations to keep the things in order. The message he sends is conflicting as his breadwinner is under the flag of NRM, which is a Resistance Movement. Resistance is a stronger an profound stronger word in the sense; then the trouble that the Police Force has with the defying aspect and the Defiance. So they better get their minds right, or even their arguments straight. Because it is non-sense at this point; since the Police fear Kizza Besigye, for his legitimacy as leader compared to their breadwinner Mzee who in the shadows orders the arrangements together with the IGP Kayihura who follows orders from the top like a blind dog.

They will continue with road-blocks and secure the premises as he is kept on short leach and proves the little value as a security outfit the Police Force has, as they have to use militarized activities towards civilians. Peace.

Kasangati Court the Besigye case flies away mysteriously overnight to the High Court!

Kasangati 22.03.2016

As the sun yet another day set over the Kasangati Magistrate Court and the final ruling on the petition from the lawyers of Dr. Kizza Besigye and his house-arrest since mid-February right before Election Day. The Police had without any information or assurance of the stakeholders of his case.

As the people and supporters had gained around the court had also the IGP Kayihura and DPC Kawalya of Kasangati deployed more police force and mambas, as the Police Force was ready and determined to block any rally for Kizza Besigye and the FDC Presidential Candidate.

Kasangati 22.03.2016 P2

Even on the roads leading to his home from the Trading Centre the Police had set up blockades and block the people from getting from Kasangati TC to his home. As the Police has no interest of following the demands of releasing Besigye out of his long-deemed house-arrest.

This saga does not seem to end as the Police and government of Uganda has no interest of letting the People’s President free from Preventative Arrest and making his home, his home again and not a prision as it, STILL!

The People in the area lost their cool when they heard that the case had been sent to the High Court. Peace.

KB Case 22.03 P1KB Case 22.03 P2

Press Statement: “Some African leaders to blame for conflicts” – Obasanjo

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ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia, March 21, 2016 – Some of Africa’s leaders are responsible for instability on the continent because they have failed to manage diversity in their societies, the former Nigerian President, General Olusegun Obasanjo, has said. By the same token, he noted, outside interference in Africa has been responsible for conflicts, citing the NATO air strikes in Libya in 2011 that led to the removal from power of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi.

“The repercussions are now being felt in Mali, Nigeria and the Sahel,” Gen. Obasanjo told a press conference on the upcoming Tana High-Level forum on Security in Africa (TanaForum.org) in Ethiopia. Asked whether African leaders were to blame for the conflicts on the continent, he said: “Yes and no.”

He said leaders were failing their people because they had not been able to prevent marginalisation in their societies, prevent injustice, reduce unemployment, reduce poverty, and that they had not embraced democracy and good governance.

The theme of this year’s Forum is Africa in the Global Security Agenda.

This is apt, given the continuing fallout from the NATO intervention in Libya, for which US President Barack Obama recently criticised the British and French governments for getting rid of Gaddafi without having plans in place for effective “follow-up”.

On the issue of African peacekeeping operations, he agreed that the lack of funding from African Union member states was a major setback for peace and security on the continent.

He said that when he was head of state, he was in charge of a high-level panel to search for alternative sources of funding for the AU, but this came to nothing.

He noted that when the AU was looking for funds to counter the Ebola virus in Sierra Leone, Liberia and Guinea, member states failed to provide the money. “The AU eventually had to turn to the private sector and it was able to raise $40 million,” said Gen. Obasanjo, who is Chairman of the Tana Forum.

He was critical of AU member states for not contributing to the AU’s general budget, adding, “I think this is down to the lack of political will.”

Gen. Obasanjo noted that Ebola and migration from Africa had security implications not just for the continent “because we now live in a global community whereby if something happens in Africa, it affects the rest of the world”.

This was why Africa had to take a serious look at its security infrastructure, what Africans could do themselves to deal with these issues, and what should be the continent’s role in formulating security policies globally.

The Deputy Chairman of the Forum, Professor Andreas Eshete of Ethiopia, said that Africa had to have not only a stronger voice in the global security architecture but also for its perspectives to be taken into account and incorporated into the global security agenda.

The 5th Tana High-Level Forum will take place on 16-17 April 2016 in Bahir Dar, Ethiopia. More than 150 participants are expected to attend, including current and former Heads of State and Government, high-ranking government officials, academics, civil society representatives, experts and policymakers from the AU, UN and other international institutions.

Office of the Coordinatior of the People’s Government Statement of Objectives and Directions (21.03.2016)

Uganda EC Wall

21st March, 2016

Fellow Ugandans,
Following Kiggundu’s fraudulent declaration of Museveni as winner of the 2016 Presidential elections, Uganda will never be the same again. The winner of the election was FDC’s Dr. Kizza Besigye. He is Uganda’s president elect. Museveni knows it too. That is why he has tried all he can to keep him under house arrest and to turn the streets into barracks, in order to intimidate the winners by creating a war like situation in some villages, towns and Kampala.

You have been asking “what next?”. You are right. Some of you think that the leadership is doing nothing about this situation. This is not correct. A lot is being done and the purpose of this communication is to let you know what is being done so that you can also find your own role to play in these developments. This is what is being done:

1. We are engaging our friends in neighboring countries of the East African Community, Africa in general, our friends in Europe, the United States, Asia and the Arab world to share with them the steps we are taking in protecting our victory and the presidency of Dr. Kizza Besigye, and to seek their support moral and diplomatic support. We have made good progress.

2. We are continuously assessing the capacity and deployment detail of Museveni’s security apparatus and working with our friends in the security establishment we have a sound idea of the capabilities on a half-day basis. We can confirm that Museveni’s security apparatus is in disarray, their morale is low, and units have been shuffled several times due to suspicion. You must have known that the Police and Army voted overwhelmingly for Dr. Besigye. The Special Forces Command which we had believed to be totally under Museveni’s control through his son Muhoozi, is no longer as homogeneously loyal. There is still some work to do there, especially since the SFC structure rests on Hima and Rwandan ethnicity. We know for a fact that there are already problems between the two groups.

3. We have also finalized mapping out the country into liberated zones where the bulk of the activities will be planned and piloted before rolling out countrywide. We have established control centers in all districts of Uganda. The responsibility of these centers is to develop the organizational infrastructure to service the new government headed by Dr. Besigye, which will be formally unveiled in May 2016 as the constitution stipulates. Arrangements for the swearing in of H.E. Col (rtd) Dr. Kizza Besigye have been finalized.

4. All efforts of our struggle at this stage are geared towards making it impossible for Museveni to fraudulently be sworn in as President in May. This we shall achieve, through your support and sacrifices.

5. We are finalizing negotiations with land lords in urban centers, market owners and managers not to collect rent from tenants for one month after we have established our authority. Landlords who will violate this one-month free accommodation agreement will be penalized accordingly. A one-month tax and licence holiday will be applied to Boda-Bodas, Taxi and Bus operators, traders and market vendors. We have completed negotiations with transporters to reciprocate by reducing transport fares for one month.

6. For university students, after we have established our authority,we will grant a fees-demand break for 30 days and a student who will have paid at least 50% of fees shall be allowed to sit for their examinations at any stage.

7. As incentive, once we have established our full authority, with your active participation, we shall reduce the cost of petrol, diesel and paraffin by 300 shillings a litre. This is also our way of appreciating the people of Uganda for the support they will have extended to the forces of change but also to compensate the losses that are going to be suffered in the coming days as we struggle, through peaceful means of civic nature, to establish the civilian authority led by Dr. Besigye.

8. Other such incentives are being considered for importers of essential commodities and other for other trades. We have also finalized negotiations with foodstuff and meat providers to reduce the prices for one month. For some of you are old enough to recall, (if you are not, ask who was old enough then); lowering of prices was done voluntarily in all sectors after the fall of Idi Amin in 1979 in the short period (68 days) of Yusuf Lule’s leadership which was rudely interrupted by the same forces that are tormenting Uganda today. So this is a practical revolutionary step we are undertaking.

9. Your responsibility is to be vigilant, cautious, and all the time active and united as forces of change. Be on the lookout for Museveni spies and zealous sympathizers who try to stand in our way and justly but decisively deal with them, on case by case basis.

10. In this difficult period, save all the money you can. Don’t be extravagant. Don’t frequent public places of entertainment unless it is absolutely necessary. Practice walking long distances on foot. Practice staying hungry even when you have some money to buy your lunch. Stock up on food and vital medicines that can last several weeks. Obtain a solar phone charger and affordable solar lights. As much as possible, don’t move at night unless it is absolutely necessary.

11. Don’t respond to invitation to meetings unless you have cross checked thoroughly and made sure that the invitation is genuine. Establish neighborhood security cells to protect yourselves from the so called crime preventers and other lawless regime functionaries. Don’t let anyone of you get arrested without a charge is spelled out by the arresting (police) officer. If any of you is arrested, inform the relevant persons immediately and ensure that if they have families, provide for their welfare, however small. Never abandon your colleagues in the struggle and their families.

12. This is the order you have been waiting for. You know the objective. Museveni must not swear in fraudulently in May, regardless of what the Supreme Court says. You know the time frame. You know who Uganda’s new president is. Your job is to make it happen. Methods will vary from place to place. This is not Besigye’s struggle. It is your own struggle. It is your vote that they tried to steal. You want your country back. You want a better life. You want to stop the corrupt and the arrogant from dominating you. You want to live in a democratic society that respects human rights. The ball is entirely in your court. Just do the right thing.

13. To protect our victory and to execute the mandate that was given to us by the people of Uganda, we are committed to pursuing peaceful alternatives. We sincerely hope that armed struggle won’t be necessary at this stage. However, should circumstances demand, we shall act decisively.

FOR GOD AND OUR COUNTRY

UNHCR – Burundi Situation – 2016 Funding Update as of 14 March 2016

UNHCR Burundi 14.03.2016

Rwandan Video Report: “The “Spy” who lied to Burundi” (Youtube-Clip)

Here is Rwandan’s Counter-claim to the Burundian pick-up and reports of  the arrest of Corporal Rucyahintare Cyprien. That the Rwandan news company The New Times, claimes is wrong. We can question who is right, is it the Burundian who wants evidence of Rwandan involvement in counter-intelligence in their country? Or is it Rwandan interest to counter-address it and say the “Spy” is lying. Hard to know whom to believe as the UN report told that the Rwandan Government we’re training militias. When Government of Burundi affirming it, and the Government of Rwanda saying it was not true.

This is the second of these between the countries. First the militas, now the spy case. Wonder what is next, do you? Peace.

UN Secretary-General Report on the DRC: the humanitarian and security situation of March 2016; Unsure situation with Guerrillas, M-23 and coming election!

M23 Goma P3

The Secretary General has written a report on the status of Democratic Republic of Congo. This here is for me the main aspects of it, as I don’t look at the general cooperation’s and work between the countries in the Great Lakes areas, I will not look into the laws and ratifications that DRC as a nation supposed to follow. As this is the UN and the moral authority, as they work together with other nations to set a standard in the nation, and create an environment for peace. Therefore I have picked certain aspects from the report. As it is a continuation of what I have described before and we can see continuation of it. Take a look!

Context of Illegal groups:

“Continued presence of illegal armed groups, including the Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), the Allied Democratic Forces, the Forces de résistance patriotiques de l’Ituri (FRPI) and several Mai-Mai militias, continues to threaten the security and stability of the region and negatively affects the implementation of the Framework. Furthermore, there was little progress towards the repatriation and demobilization of ex-combatants, including from the former Mouvement du 23 mars (M23) and FDLR, registered during the reporting period. The crisis in Burundi and its far-reaching impact have also contributed to the deterioration of the political, security and humanitarian situation in the region” (United Nation, 2016).

M23 Goma

On M23 situation:

“Almost two years after the signing of the Nairobi Declarations by the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the former M23 rebel group, implementation remains stalled. Hundreds of ex-M23 combatants are yet to be repatriated from Rwanda and Uganda” (…)”On 23 October 2015, ex-M23 political leader Bertrand Bisimwa issued a statement asserting that the former rebel group would not continue to honour its commitments under the Nairobi Declarations on the grounds that the Government had deliberately refused to implement its part of the agreement. He further stated that the former rebel group would not accept any attempt to repatriate ex-combatants outside the provisions of the Nairobi Declaration” (…)”The National Oversight Mechanism denounced the lack of will by ex-M23 leaders and recalled the Congolese Government’s efforts to fulfil its commitments, notably by promulgating an amnesty law in February 2014 and by initiating the repatriation of consenting ex-M23 combatants” (…)”On 10 November, Mr. Bisimwa appointed Désiré Rwigema as the new ex-M23 coordinator tasked to oversee the implementation of the Nairobi Declarations in close coordination with the National Oversight Mechanism. Mr. Rwigema replaced René Abandi, who had stepped down as coordinator in January 2015 and is now in charge of transforming the former rebel group into a political party” (United Nation, 2016).

Lusenda Burundi Refugee Camp

Humanitarian Situation:

“The humanitarian situation resulting from the influx of some 245,000 refugees from Burundi into neighbouring countries since April 2015 remains a matter of concern and priority” (…)”Inside Burundi, the crisis has exacerbated the situation faced by an already vulnerable population that includes 25,000 internally displaced persons. Protection of civilians is a growing concern; over 445 people have been killed since violence erupted in April 2015. The country’s instability has also caused the deterioration of already fragile livelihoods, with the result that some 3.6 million people are considered food insecure and 150,000 children under 5 years of age acutely malnourished” (…)”Some 1.5 million people have been internally displaced, while 7.5 million people are in need of assistance throughout the country. The forced closure of the site for internally displaced persons in Mukoto, North Kivu, on 12 January 2016 caused new displacement” (United Nation, 2016).

Human Rights:

“In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, security and intelligence officers have reportedly clamped down on activists and political opponents opposed to changes to the country’s constitutional provision on presidential term limits. As indicated above, the security situation in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo remains volatile, with armed groups, particularly the Allied Democratic Forces and FDLR, carrying out deadly attacks on civilians and committing acts of sexual violence” (United Nation, 2016).

Ladislas Ntaganzwa

Arrests:

“the Congolese National Police arrested Ladislas Ntaganzwa on 8 December 2015, pursuant to an arrest warrant and order to transfer issued by the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals on 7 May 2014. Mr. Ntaganzwa had been indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda for genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, and crimes against humanity, in connection with his actions during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. He had been at large since 19 June 1996 and was allegedly living in North Kivu under the protection of FDLR” (…)”the Government of Rwanda reciprocates by transferring the former leader of the National Congress for the Defence of the People, Laurent Nkunda, as well as other Congolese nationals who are the subject of arrest warrants issued by the Democratic Republic of the Congo. On a related note, little progress was made in bringing to justice six ex-M23 members who are sought on Congolese arrest warrants for war crimes and crimes against humanity” (United Nation, 2016).

drc-election

Elections:

“The past six months have seen a number of electoral processes in the Great Lakes region. Elections will continue to be held in the region over the next two years, and the risk of attendant instability cannot be ruled out. Electoral processes must take place in a fair, transparent, inclusive and non-violent manner” (…)”The Democratic Republic of the Congo is entering a crucial period marked by preparations for a national dialogue ahead of upcoming general elections. I reiterate my call for any dialogue to be inclusive and enable stakeholders to discuss contentious issues in a climate of openness and mutual respect. I urge all Congolese to commit to resolving their differences through dialogue and consultations, with a view to creating the conditions for peaceful, inclusive and credible elections in an environment that provides adequate political space and in which human rights are respected. I express the full support of the United Nations for the former Prime Minister of Togo, Edem Kodjo, in his role as facilitator of the national dialogue” (United Nation, 2016).

Afterthought:

This here should be interesting and also seen as a continuation of the M23 situation and IDPs who has not a secure situation, as the violence, guerrillas, as the Nairobi Declaration is not been acted upon. Therefore the guerrillas are walking free with no pressure as the Nairobi Declaration gives pressure to Rwanda and Uganda who has kept the M23 Guerillas.

The situation is certainly questionable with the Human Rights situation with the arrests of certain people and the troubles of the Electoral Process before the General Election in the DRC, this report is about the general security situation, with the MONUSCO and the guerrillas that the National Army of the DRC work to contain, together with the citizens who lives in the conditions that the army and peacekeepers make. That is why the army and the Congolese have to follow.

The DRC continues to struggle with FDLR and ADF-NALU, also the issue with M-23 and other aspects that make the national security situation volatile and creates the problems for the citizens while the Army and MONUSCO have missions to sustain the guerrillas and secure that the M-23 get the trial and the once that are freed and the once creating a political party, while waiting for the Nairobi Declaration to be followed by the Authorities, and also get the once with the warrants has not been returned and worked on as they did crime against humanity. That is worth thinking about, and why certain government stifle on those guerillas. Peace.

Reference:

United Nation Security Council – ‘Report of the Secretary-General on the implementation of the Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Region’ (09.03.2016)