The President’s black book chapter 2: The close tie between the GoU and M23; giving instantly amnesty to the guerilla; which make it seem more likely that it was a proxy war for the government

M23 Cartoon

There isn’t often I have gone through so many United Nations documents to pile up information about one single militias or guerilla force in the DRC. This is because I have had a suspicious feeling about the connection to the government of Uganda, as they have been busy before in the Democratic Republic of Congo, as they have done with their partners in Kigali, President Kagame and Government of Rwanda. As we will see here, this is the facts that the UN have claimed by their eye-witnesses, Amama Mbabazi is the man who has defended the Government of Uganda, he had to come with a threat towards the United Nations to silent this. Therefore you haven’t heard much about it…

As this will go first by year it is published, first you can read the defense of the Government of Uganda, then the evidence brought by the United Nations different committees and institutions from the “the Expert Group” and so on. This is interesting reading and should give you insights to a world the Rwandan and Ugandan government does not want the world to question, as much as they don’t want the questions come about the killing of Laurent Kabila… as that question the manner of how they brought a new regime in the Democratic Republic of Congo, this here is newer and fresher, close to today, as it then is more evidence that the UN has collected, and has pictured in their archives. Therefore take a look and hope it opens your mind.

Museveni Mbabazi

Part of Uganda Government defense against the allegation made by Amama Mbabazi:
“About the same time, H.E. Joseph Kabila, President of DRC, contacted President Museveni and explicitly requested him to intervene and facilitate dialogue between M23 and DRC Government. In accordance with article 23(2) of the Pact on Security, Stability and Development in the Great Lakes Region, President Museveni convened four Extra-Ordinary Summits of the International Conference of the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) on the security situation in Eastern DRC, three of which were hosted in Kampala using Uganda’s own resources” (…)”The UN must sort out the malignancy against Uganda by bringing out the truth about Uganda’s role in the current Regional efforts” (…)”In light of the above, withdrawing from Somalia, CAR, etc., becomes inevitable so that we keep watch on the DRC territory donated to the terrorists by the DRC Government and the United Nations” (Mbabazi, 2012).

5th Extraordinary Summit of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region declaration on M23 and violence in DRC:
“Gravely concerned about the advance and capture of the city of Goma and the town of Sake in Kivu Province, of the DRC, by the M23 rebel movement in spite of the directive of the previous Summits of ICGLR to cease hostilities and remain in positions they occupied in July 2012” (…)”HEREBY DECIDE AS FOLLOWS:” (…)”MONUSCO to occupy and provide security in the neutral zone between Goma and the new areas occupied by M23” (…)”This process shall be supervised by Chiefs of Defence of Rwanda, DRC and led by the Chief of Defence Forces of Uganda, with the participation of other Chiefs of Defence Staff from other member states”(ICGLR, 2012).

First piece of evidence:
“The report also accuses Uganda of backing the M23, providing troops and ammunition for specific military operations” (P: 5, Gil, 2012).

m23_in_goma

Government of Uganda Support of M23:
“Senior Government of Uganda (GoU) officals have also provided support to M23 in the form of direct troop reinforcement in DRC territory, weapons deliveries, technical assistance, joint planning, political advice, and facilitation of external relations, Units of Ugandan People’s Defence Force (UPDF) and Rwandan Defence Force (RDF) jointly supported M23 in a series of attacks in July 2012 to take over the major town in Rutshuru territory, and the Forces Armees de la RDC (FARDC) base of Rumanbago” (P: 2, 2012). “Uganda’s more subtle support to M23 allowed the rebel group’s political branch to operate from within Kampala and boost its external relations” (P: 4, 2012). “UPDF Commanders sent troops and weapons to reinforce specific M23 operations and assisted in the M23’s recruitment and weapons procurement efforts in Uganda. Ugandan officials equally endorsed a “laissez-faire” policy authorizing local military and civil authorities to cooperate with M23 out of their personal ties to the RDF or the rebels” (UN, P: 9, 2012).

Weapons delivery to M23 from Uganda:
“Former M23 soldiers stated that UPDF officers based in Kisoro have been supplying M23 with small quantiles of weapons. One former M23 soldier said he hadaccompanied Makenga to Kisoro on three occasions at the beginning of July 2012” (…)”A former M23 soldier stated that UPDF commanders brought heavy weapons including 12,7 mm machine guns to the hill overlook Bunagana, on the Ugandan side of the border, in order to reinforce M23 during the attack, and subsequently left them with the rebels after they took the town” (…)”Two former RDF officers, two FARDC officers, one M23 cadre and one former M23 soldier stated that two trucks transported weapons and ammunition to Bunagana prior to the attacks on Rutshuru and Kiwanja. According to one FARDC officer, the two trucks mainly contained RPG-7 grenade launchers and machines guns” (UN, P: 11-12, 2012).

M23 Picture

More on the connection with GoU:
“Four Ugandan officials, an FARDC officer based in Bunagana, border agents as well as a former CNDP politician told the group that the Jomba Groupment chief based in Bunagana, Vincent Mwambutsa, regularly travels to Kisoro to organize recruitment and financial contributions for M23 with the Resident District Commander (RDC) of Kisoro, Milton Bazanye, his ally Willbaforce Nkundizana and local UPDF officers. One former M23 soldier confirmed that the rebels recruited 28 Ugandan civillians in Kisoro. A Ugandan official in Kisoro personally witnessed the UPDF taking recruits to the border” (UN, P: 12, 2012).

Ugandan known leaders and personalities involved in support of M23:
“A UPDF officer, a Ugandan leader, an M23 cadre, politicians, intelligence sources, a Kampala based diplomat and several businessmen stated that Gen. Salim Selah has been principal responsible for UPDF support of M23” (…)”A Ugandan Civil Society member, two M23 cadres and a Ugandan counter-intelligence report also affirmed that UPDF Western Division commander, General Patrick Kankiriho, has overseen military support to M23, including providing orders to Mukasa” (…)”Three Ugandan officials stated that in May and July 2012, General Kayihura held meetings with the rebels at Kisoro” (UN, P: 13, 2012).

Ugandan trading with illegal DRC gold:
“The Group estimates that 98 percent of the gold produced in DRC is smuggled out of the country, and that nearly all of the gold traded in Uganda – the main transit country for Congolese gold – is illegally exported from DRC. As a result, the governments of DRC and Uganda are losing millions of dollars annually in tax revenue, and tolerating a system that is financing armed groups in DRC” (UN, P: 1, 2013).

M23 Goma

One Connection between M23 and Uganda:
“The Ugandan army spokesperson stated that the former M23 “are not prisoners; they are soldiers running away from a war so we are receiving them and helping them because it is our responsibility.”28 He also compared the reception of M23 to what Uganda had done in 2012 when a Congolese army battalion had fled into Ugandan territory following fighting with the M23. President Museveni later indicated that he would not hand over Makenga to Congolese authorities and compared protecting him to the same support he gave Laurent Kabila against Mobutu in 1996” (…)”After being disarmed and registered at a Ugandan army facility in Kisoro on 13 November 2013, most of the former M23 fighters were transferred to the Bihanga military training center near Kasese” (…)”According to latest reports, Makenga and Kaina remain under Ugandan surveillance, while other former M23 officers and political leaders are reportedly able to move freely in Uganda” (SSPC, P:4-5, 2014).

AMISOM 32

Ugandan implications:
“Uganda, it is important to note, has received relatively little reprimand despite its implication in supporting M23. Its contribution of roughly one third of peacekeeping troops to the high-priority AMISOM mission, and threat to withdraw those troops in response to the GoE’s allegations, is likely a major factor in that lack of attention” (Jackson, 2013).

Findings from the M23 declaration:
“Recalling its declaration at Kampala, Uganda, on the 5th November 2013 that it had renounced rebellion and requested its ex-combatants to prepare for the process of disbarment, demobilization and social reintegration” (…)”Declares as follows: End of rebellion. M23 confirms it has renounced its rebellion. Amnesty: The M23 accepts that to benefit from the amnesty, each member of M23 shall be required to make a personal commitment in writing to refrain from the use of weapons or from participating in an insurgency movement to ensure success of any demand. Transitional security arrangements: The M23 commits itself to comply with and implement the transitional security arrangements, the details of which will be defined by the proposed Annex A as adjusted to reflect the changed situation on the ground, including the fact that some members of M23 fled to Uganda where they were received” (…)”M23 members reserve the right to change its name and become a political party accordance with the constitution and laws of DRC” (M23, 2013).

Risky move of amnesty to M23 member and combatants:
“The FIB’s impact was twofold. Most obviously, it had a military role, both in supporting the Congolese military (Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo, or FARDC) and in taking the fight directly to the M23, deploying sophisticated technology such as South African attack helicopters. But perhaps more importantly, it changed the dynamics of regional politics. In raising the political stakes for the M23 and its putative backers, particularly Rwanda, it forced them into a choice between allowing the group to be defeated or – in essence – declaring open war on the SADC. The result is that the east of the DRC, for the first time in many years, is no longer held hostage by rebel groups with significant links to neighbouring governments, though these undoubtedly remain. It was a high-risk move, and one that could have led the region back into inter-state conflict. But M23’s backers instead chose to disengage, allowing the group to fragment, signing a series of agreements known as the Nairobi Declaration in December 2013. Though it has not faded entirely – former M23 combatants, many of whom are currently in Uganda and Rwanda, represent a latent threat of re-mobilization that urgently needs to be addressed – the group is no longer able to directly shape events in eastern DRC” (Shepard, 2014).

M23 Goma P3

The situation of M23 by August 2015:

“At this stage, the amnesty provision and the repatriation process of the reportedly over 1,400 ex-M23 combatants which fled to Uganda and Rwanda in 2013 are amongst the most contentious. To date, only 182 ex-M23 combatants have been repatriated from Uganda to the DRC, while 13 have been repatriated from Rwanda. According to Ugandan sources, as of 4 August, 817 ex-M23 combatants are cantoned at the Bihanga Military Camp. About 327 residents of the camp have deserted, with no clarity on their whereabouts, 14 are admitted in hospital, 25 departed on sick leaveand are yet to return, 4 are deceased. The presence of hundreds of ex-M23 and are yet to return, 4 are deceased. The presence of hundreds of ex-M23 combatants in Rwanda and Uganda remains a serious source of concern for the GoDRC and the host authorities in Uganda and Rwanda. Yet, despite several attempts by the GoDRC to expedite the repatriation of the ex-M23 combatants, in line with the Nairobi Declarations and relevant decisions of the ICGLR Summits, there has been no progress in this process due to lack of even focus in the implementation of the Nairobi Declarations” (UN, 2015).

Afterthought:

As we can see there is a connection and the deflection from Government of Uganda (GoU) is expected, but if I had showed the riches gained by the imported gold from the areas that M23 took, would have showed the value for supporting the army as the common sense for the cooperation and support directly from the GoU.

He might have called President Kabila and told he would work on the matter and have the discussions in Kampala as a way of swaying away from the fact that they are behind and servicing the M23. We can see that and knowing that they gave arms, training, army men from the UPDF and even technical training. The pictures of the arms with Ugandan origin after the retreat and stop of violence from M23 should be proof enough of their involvement into the matter, what is worse is the witnesses claiming that certain big men in the government has supported and set things in order to fix the problems that M23 had at one point. That is something that we all should consider, as Salim Selah has been involved in a lot of shady arrangement in DRC before and has only backed away from the “Wonga Coup” to deliver arms to Thatcher’s son. Rest of the time he has done transport arrangements and fixing the army to keep Uganda in parts of DRC when needed. So the stories of him being involved would not be a shock in any way.

The suspect issue is how easy they could stay in Uganda, cross the borders and even get personnel and recruit in border areas. As this suspect connection together with the history of using military force from Uganda to get wealth out of the DRC. As they did in the late 1990s and in the beginning of 2000s; they haven’t just cooperated with the world to fight together will alliances to force away LRA and ADF-NALU. That is not the whole story, though the Government of Uganda won’t it to seem that way, as a way to clean their hands from the mud they have been swimming in. Takes a lot more than a shower to get the dirt off, you smell me?

Peace.

Reference:
Conflict Prevention and Peace Forum – ‘Consolidating the Peace: Closing the M23 Chapter – Prepared on behalf of the DRC Affinity Group December 2014’

Jackson, Henry M. – ‘DEFENSE, DIPLOMACY AND DEVELOPMENT: MAKING A 3D STRATEGY WORK IN THE GREAT LAKES REGION OF AFRICA’ (Winter 2013)

Gil, Manuel Manrique – ‘The M23 and eastern D.R. Congo: An intractable problem or an opportunity to engage?’ (12.11.2012) – ‘European Parliament: Directorate-Generale for External Affairs: Policy Department’

International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) – ‘DECLARATION OF THE HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE MEMBER STATES OF THE INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON THE GREAT LAKES REGION (ICGLR) ON THE SECURITY SITUATION IN EASTERN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO (DRC) 5th EXTRAORDINARY SUMMIT OF THE HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT’ (24.11.2012).

M23 – ‘Declaration of Commitments by the Movement of March 23 at the Conclusion of the Kampala Dialogue’ (12.12.2013) – Nairobi, Kenya.

Mbabazi, Amama – ‘Uganda’s Stand and Response on the allegations made by the UN Group of Experts and the subsequent endorsement of the allegations by the UN Security Council about Uganda’s purported support of M23 rebels’ (01.11.2012) – Statement in Parliament of Uganda

Shepard, Ben – ‘Beyond Crisis in the DRC The Dilemmas of International Engagement and Sustainable Change’ (December 2014) – Chatham House, The Royal Institute of International Affairs,

United Nation – Letter dated 12 October 2012 from the Group Experts on the Democratic Republic of Congo addressed to the Chairman of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1533 (2004) concerning the Democratic Republic of Congo

United Nation – ‘Letter dated 12 December 2013 from the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo addressed to the Chair of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1533 (2004) concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo The members of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo have the honour to transmit the final report of the Group, prepared in pursuance of paragraph 5 of Security Council resolution 2078 (2012)’

United Nations – ‘OFFICE OF THE SPECIAL ENVOY OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL
FOR THE GREAT LAKES REGION -Neutralization of Armed Groups’ (26.08.2015)

Ofwono Opondo the executive director of Uganda Media Centre; claims that the FDC and the media tells lies and propaganda against the NRM; I am claiming Opondo has lost the plot

EditedElections-300x145

I do not feel like dropping the Uganda Media Centre Press Release freely to world without criticizing for it missing facts and show the fiction of the ruling party, which means the NRM who surely does whatever it can to look beautiful; while the truth is something else. That they the NRM claim that everybody else putting up the ANTI towards the polls; as they have done with vicious attacks if they don’t get rule again. So again the non-sense is so far-fetched that this was too easy to not demolish for me, I will not take every piece of the Press Release, because hey! It is not worth that time to write it. Opondo can’t use that long time writing before publishing it, my evidence is: “Civil Society Organisations (SCOs)” (Opondo, 2016). Let’s go!

uganda-blood-transfusion-center

Meddling from Embassies in Politics:

“Government does not therefore expect particularly members of the diplomatic missions here to unduly meddle in our internal politics and elections as some of them are already doing. Government takes strong exception to meddling and would like to caution those doing so to desist forthwith, and in case there are matters of concern they should be addressed through the appropriate diplomatic channels. Uganda seeks mutual respect to its sovereignty in accordance with international laws, norms and practices” (Opondo, 2016).

This here is an answer to the polls that was showing favorable and giant lead to Dr. Kizza Besigye and the FDC over President Museveni and the NRM. This is intended to deflect the actual factual one they had and released in the end of January 2016. Here is the basics of it:

“Communications Department of the American Embassy in Kampala has conducted an intelligence poll and it suggested that: Museveni is at 30%, Besigye at 53.6% and Mbabazi 15 %”. There are other candidates, but there is not much left for the 5 other candidates. Just saying…

This is the one thing that Opondo and the Government of Uganda, alas NRM don’t want to see, as this destroys the picturesque polls that they posted in New Vision with 71%. As they have done in both 2016 and 2011, about the same time (before the election) with the same number and lead for the NRM. So the diplomatic missions should just focus on giving government aid and government funds that the NRM-Regime can embezzle. He is not saying that, but that is what he means.

Anti Riot Police 30.01.2016 Before FDC Campaign Kabale

Governmental issues with the FDC:

“The repeated incidents of violent friction particularly by the supporters of Dr Kizza Besigye targeting the police including physical assault on law enforcement personnel must be condemned and discouraged. The police deserve respect by all in order for them to work effectively and efficiently in protecting the general public. While the public has generally shunned recruitment into political quasi militias, some opposition groups continue to mobilize under the pseudo noum of Power Ten (P10) mainly in Kampala, Wakiso and parts of Mukono districts” (Opondo, 2016).

This here is straight forward attack on a Presidential Candidate and his campaign. As they use the necessity of security forces and police as a token of self-defense, as they goes aggressive against the campaign rallies of the FDC. There been seen so much Anti-Riot Police following the campaign trail of the FDC, as there been DPC in cell-phone conversation at campaign rallies as frequent as Liam Neeson in Taken. The way the Police is harassing the opposition and keeps blocking and stop also media houses as the opposition steps into them; proves the problem is not FDC, but the NRM-Regime who is not fully-fledge democratic, yet! They claim about the P10 who is made up to show accountability and stay behind after the vote is cast and generate local participation from the grassroots-level, as did the Resistance Councils back in the day! But Opondo has forgotten that piece of history hasn’t he? Secondly the P10 is nothing compared to military formation of Crime Preventers as they have trainings with sticks, while the P10 is a little organization who works for securing votes and participation towards the FDC. As a democratic party does during pre-election times, but why is this wrong Hon. Opondo?  Is it because it not your beloved party NRM and for Mzee? As everything is supposed to circle around?

Army and Police men not allowed to Campaign:

“Government is following and investigating reports that appear to link Gen. David Sejusa aka Tinyefuza to some of these groups, and if found to be true appropriate actions will certainly be taken to curtail and neutralise his activities. As the law is currently, no serving police, prisons or army personnel whatever the rank can be a member of a political party, an election campaign task force, support candidates, be a campaign agent, or speak publicly on partisan political issues. The only role serving officers have is law enforcement when called upon, and to cast their votes in secret as the law provides for all registered voters” (Opondo, 2016).

Gen Tukumunde Entebbe Dec 2015 - Money Man for NRM

The arrest is done as the general has questioned the regimes premise and coming rigging as there are things to question in that manner. As Gen. Sejusa is not allowed to be political involvement the Gen. Kale Kayihura of the Police was even on the Second Delegates Conference of the NRM to assert Mzee for another term as sole candidate in the NRM. But that is not an issue for Opondo, because Kayihura support the right party. Lieutenant General Henry Tukumunde aka “The Money Man” is directly involved in the NRM campaign team and that is also a no-issue. You have Brigadier Elly Kayanja who campaigns directly for NRM, but that is a no-go. So why is okay for all this men to be part of NRM, while Gen. Sejusa questions the NRM-Regime, he gets Makindye Military Barracks yesterday! So Opondo, please explain the inaccuracy in your flawed logic of why Gen. Sejusa can’t campaign, while all this other persons can walk freely and do what they want?

This here is the last quote I care about quoting and address, the supposed evil intent of FDC and other fractions of society to make a rebellion towards the government if the result of the election does not goes their way, sounds like some the fantasy Narnia-land and soon making Uganda until Mordor instead of the Shia it is before the election. As the detaining of more and more political active persons either opposition candidates or affiliated to an opposition candidate like the driver of Dr. Kizza Beisgye, Norbert Mao and so on. But let me go to the last quote worth commenting to.

Propaganda against Mzee:

“There is an on-going drive to intensify negative propaganda against President Yoweri Museveni, senior government and security officers. Part of this plan is already evident in sections of the media deliberately distorting or quoting out of context public statements issued by government officials with the view to cast government in negative light and cause public disaffection” (Opondo, 2016).

I must be one of the men who has intensified propaganda against Mzee and his loyal cronies. Well, IGP Kayihura and NRM SG Lumumba promised arms to Crime Preventers go against opposition if they won the election, Lumumba actually said she would get the regime to shoot and kill civilians, and last but not least NRM Chairman of Masaka Katumba promising violence if they lose power. This is paraphrasing the manner, since I written about it before, and don’t need to address that again. That Opondo talks about context and calls the questioning of it “cause public disaffection”. The disaffection is caused by the utter violence the NRM men are spreading to the public as even their master in Mityana! Where he promised that he would take his life and his supporters would do the same if the Electoral Commission let Dr. Kizza Besigye become the President. This tells of the violence and fear that the NRM is spreading. They are the ones causing this, it is not the media who asks and getting this people to talk in this manner and address the world in this spirit. It is themselves and later the media who gives the reason and music to it, as a way of making sense of the message the NRM and Mzee is sending in the final stages.

Sembabula NRM NBS

The level of fear and spreading fear as the ending of the press release is sending is massive and outrages. This is just in token of the NRM-O for the moment. They can’t breathe on other things than spreading fear to keep power. Not that they have actually achieved anything in their 30 year reign in the Country! The riches of the spoils has gone to cronies and not it’s people. It is far from the Shia or the Rivendell, instead it is closer to the Mordor as the NRM-Regime is saying it will become right around elections and post-elections when all ordinary government facilities will be under siege; as the on-authorized militias will go against the result, as the NRM does not do anything wrong or say nothing wrong, that is the place of the opposition to do. But that is just my assessment as the brilliant Ofwono Opondo states today in the Uganda Media Centre Press Release. That I have discussed! Though Opondo’s flawed mind is to be a loyal mouthpiece of Museveni. As this is was released in the Media House payed by government funding under the Office of the President. So this can only see as biased lovely propaganda, as the ones he claimed the opposition was printing and describing as they take words out of context. But the NRM just print the picture who make them look perfect, that is why they have banned NTV from their campaign as they did not follow the guidelines of the regime anymore. That is something to think about. Peace.

Reference:

Opondo, Ofwono – ‘Government Press Statement on Pre-Election’ (01.02.2016) link: http://mediacentre.go.ug/spotlight/government-press-statement-pre-election

NRM continue to address the public with violence if they lose power; a sign of toxic leadership from Mzee.

NRM-701x350

There will be a media event from Uganda Media Centre at 10 where they will talk about the Pre-Election environment, the government should talk about what their own men is saying and doing. I will not comment more on the NRM SG Justine Kasule Lumumba and IGP Kale Kayihura how they would shoot and arm Crime Preventers. This here is a continuation of it. Where the NRM people spoke their minds and continue with fear-mongering. In a level that is sky-high.

Ssegawa NRM Masaka

If Defeated…

“In the event that President Museveni is defeated in General Election, the country should expect violence!” (…)”where shall we go if Museveni is defeated? We shall not accept it!” warns NRM Chairman Ssegawa Katumba in Masaka on the 30th January in 2016.

Well, this says it all about the ignorant blatant attitude from the NRM Chairman of Masaka. That he is claiming that the rise of violence will happen if the NRM is defeated. This proves that they can’t accept losing power and their answer is to not accept it. Their answer with violence, as the will of change of guards is not accepted by people like him. Proves the opinions and leaders of NRM have learned well from their master, because he speaks like he was the clone of Mzee.

the-file-is-corrupt-and-cannot-be-opened

On Corruption:

“When a farmer stores his millet and rats keep stealing it does not mean the farmers should give up farming. You must continue farming and look for methods to kill the rats. You must put a cat to catch the rats. During the colonial times, there was a subcounty chief but this was replaced by LC III. We also have the LCV chairman at the district. These are the people to catch the rats that steal money meant for service delivery” said Yoweri Kaguta Museveni at a rally in Hoima in 29th January 2016.

Mzee has the ideas and speak like Andrew Mwenda, seems like they have become brothers in spirit. He has to go back to colonial time, and the issue is not for the farmer, the farmer should continue to produce while the production can still be stolen from. He also blames the local leaders for bad service delivery. That is a way of Mzee to clean his hands. Mzee is never to blame, it’s either his PM, Members of Parliament, Opposition, the Western donors and never himself. He wish the local people take down the corrupt forces in the country, that means the people should initially go after the NRM and the Local Government, who happens to be NRM. It is just bloody brilliant that he says this, while we all wonder if the Government of Uganda ever will release the agreements between the Oil Companies and the Government. That would be an exciting read!

 

Museveni Odoi EC Flag Bearer P2

Mzee on losing power:

“How can you security officials let Besigye garner such huge crowds including in my own village where people are now chasing him with cash gifts and even fish? How did the intelligence machinery allow those opinion polls to show, I am dropping down with over 25% like the price of cabbages; while Besigye is rising astronomically like the prices of Gold? You have now made Besigye hot-headed and tomorrow he will start behaving here like his friends Ouattara (president Ivory Coast) and that other one called Raila (former PM, Kenya). This is too dangerous for my health, I can’t stand the shame should Kiggundu (EC chair) declare Besigye the President…no I will not let that happen, I will commit suicide. General Katumba Wamalwa (UPDF) & General Kayihura (Police Chief) must ensure Besigye does not win, my supporters will also commit suicide. ” said Yoweri Kaguta Museveni in Mityana today 30th of January in 2016.

Kiruhura District Kazo Sub County FDC Campaign 29.01.2016

He we see how far it has gone, the man who blames everybody blames his own intelligence team and closest people around him for the great campaign Dr. Kizza Beisgye had in Kiruhura District, his home area where the public showed the gratitude for his campaign rallies there.

UN Ouattara Ivory Coast

Mzee says he will turn around and be like Ouattara the man who got his own rebel army after losing a rigged election. I cannot see Dr.Kizza Besigye going that way, then he would have done it in previous elections. Dr. Kizza Besigye has also more people behind him then Raila Odinga ever will have in comparison.

That this hurts Mzee health is not strange with his continuation of Voter Tourism and paying crowds to show up to his campaigns. The expenses and travelling in his age must be eating his power to regain the power. The U.S. Embassy Polls must also hurt where he has 30% Mbabazi having 15% and Besigye 53%. That must be a hurtful to see that the people are not there for you. Usually you would have used an rhetoric where it sounded more like Ssegwa Katumba where the world would drop into pieces, the whole Ugandan country would end in anarchy and noting that you keeps holy would stay as long as you vote for NRM and Mzee. That is something to expect from Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, but the way he said this is still in the same lingo.

IGP Kale Kayihura 16.12.15 P2

He promises that IGP Kayihura and General Wamala will use their forces of the police and army to get the citizens to understand the necessity of the NRM-Regime and his reign. The Public have to understand that with fear of the governmental violence and rigging. Because Mzee can’t lose power, then he stops breathing and will take his own life.

This is the most cult-leader like quote from Mzee, as saying; #if he did lose power!” he would expect “his loyal cronies would kill themselves together with him”. That is not pure-leadership qualities!

steve-biko-quotes-5

That is toxic leadership let me quote this for minute:

“Toxic leadership is a combination of self-centered attitudes, motivations, and behaviors that have adverse effects on subordinates, the organization, and mission performance. This leader lacks concern for others and the climate of the organization, which leads to short- and long-term negative effects. The toxic leader operates with an inflated sense of self-worth and from acute self-interest. Toxic leaders consistently use dysfunctional behaviors to deceive, intimidate, coerce, or unfairly punish others to get what they want for themselves. The negative leader completes short-term requirements by operating at the bottom of the continuum of commitment, where followers respond to the positional power of their leader to fulfill requests. This may achieve results in the short term, but ignores the other leader competency categories of leads and develops. Prolonged use of negative leadership to influence followers undermines the followers’ will, initiative, and potential and destroys unit morale” (Wilson, 2014).

This here is in the same place the same toxic ideas from Mzee go down to the system, in corruption and in eager for violence if they don’t vote for him. His eager to use force of the police and army to secure his position is not a sign of trust, but mismanagement between government and their citizens. This environment should be talked about it, I doubt it, since their will surely down talk the opposition and their behavior instead of looking at their closest allies as the toxic venom they sometimes address the public and the media. As I have covered before. Peace.

Reference:

Wilson, David Sloan – ‘Toxic Leaders And The Social Environments That Breed Them’ (10.01.2014) link:  http://www.forbes.com/sites/darwinatwork/2014/01/10/toxic-leaders-and-the-social-environments-that-breed-them/#52fdf2ed2dda

Government Statement on the Resettlement of the Landless Benet People in Seibei Sub region of Mt. Elgon (31.01.2016)

Government Statement 31.01.2016

Government Statement 31.01.2016 P2

The Presidents’ Black book and the rewards He received from Kagame and Kabila and compensated military support of Kiir

Museveni 1986 Uganda

I know it is supposed to be celebration of 30 years of NRM rule in Uganda. I have discussed the economic situation and democratic deficit now and then. Today I write about something I have thought about for a long time and think is necessary to be told. Never enough as long as President Museveni is a leader and also President Kagame and the son-of Laurent, Joseph Kabila in Democratic Republic of Congo. There is a dark history in the way President Museveni took power in Uganda and right after. Here will not directly tell about the atrocities between the UNLA and NRA. There we’re massive breaches in the middle of the civil-war. This here will be snippets of histories from both former loyal men and documents that have been released recently that we’re not public before. They tell how Museveni ushered Kabila, used force to earn wealth for himself and Uganda, how he gave way to Kagame after he helped Museveni gain power in Uganda, And lastly a little story about the recent adventure of Museveni in South Sudan as loyalty to President Kiir. Some tricks doesn’t die easy, as long as he gain something with the use of arms and guns, President Museveni will take it. Take a look!

Gen David ‘Tinye’ Sejusa revealed this murders as ordered by Museveni:
“That after accusing Gen Kazini of sending money to elements of the SPLA, Museveni “ordered his execution by procuring the services of a 6ft 6in man to murder Kazini”. He went on to say: “Forget that trash of [Lydia] Draru. In case of Kazini, again some forex bureau, originally said to belong to Gen Kazini, but [which] actually belonged to a known relative of Museveni, was later to be used to pass the money for the payment of the executioners of Kazini, to the accounts of the assassins.” (…)”He said: “For those in the know, again Andrew Kayiira was said to possess money before he was gunned down by Museveni’s goons.” (Gombya 2013).

NRA marching to Kampala 1986

Human Rights Violations right after the Bush-War:
NRA embarked on revenge against people from Acholi, Lango and Teso; and second, the collapse of discipline within the NRA coincided with insurgencies in the North and East. Both the NRA and thevarious armed groups in the areas continued to attack and kill civilians. As a matter of fact, the same strategies of gross violations of human rights the UNLA had used in the Luwero Triangle and West Nile are being used by the NRA in these areas. Hospitals, schools, churches, granaries and houses have been destroyed by the the NRA. The insurgents have likewise looted, raped and murdered people from their own home areas. (Otunnu, 1992).

Killings in 1993:
“There is no evidence that the Government sanctioned political killings in 1993. There were, however, reports of extrajudicial killings. For example, on June 21, police and internal security officials arrested four intelligence officers accused of murdering two prisoners in Iganga district on June 7. The case received considerable media attention. Two of the four accused officers were released without charge; the other two were being held in Makindye military prison without charge at year’s end” (U.S. Department of State, 1994).

continental_shift

Museveni support of Kagame:
“Despite Museveni consistence denials, Uganda has given the RPF military support since it began the civil war in 1990. Kagame, a Tutsi who headed Ugandan military intelligence before taking over the RPF, served closely with Museveni in Ugandan civil war” (EXDIS, 1994). Mr. Claver Kanyaryshoki reminiscing: “In September 1990, precociously on 11th September , a three party summer was organized between MOBUTU, HABAYARIMA and MUSEVENI to control the borders of his country and to avoid the invasion of other countries. On that occasion, they issued a declaration signed by the three heads of state that was meant to prevent the destabilization of a neighboring country from Uganda. As the threat became clearer despite all these efforts, president HABAYARIMA sent his foreign affairs minster to MUSEVENI on the 24th September to tell him that the attack was imminent. MUSVENI reiterated that these were rumors. He let HABAYARIMA know that: “he did not to lose single second of sleep thinking about an attack from Uganda, as this would never be the case as long as (MUSEVENI] would hold power”. Later on, MUSEVENI claimed later on the same day he met Fred RWEGEMA, after receiving the Rwandan Minister Casimir BIZIMUNGU. He said he calmed down the Rwandese. However, in fact his meeting with RWEGEMA was intended to put the finishing touches on the details of the invasion. MUSVENI was to attend A UN Summit on the rights of the child in New York. He knew he would not be around and wanted that he operations be carried out in his absence. By doing so, he would then pretend to be innocent or not aware of them. This is an old habit in Uganda. Even in October 1982 with Rwandese nationals were deported, President Milton OBOTE was by any chance away in Italy” (Unofficial OTP Translation, 2006).

Museveni fallout with Laurent Kabila because of business:
“At first, in 1997, Uganda seemed ready to tolerate many of Kabila’s shortcomings if the new president of the DRC would address bigger economic issues, such as US$2 billion road linking Uganda and Kisangani and the need to train police and anti-smuggling units. Both Rwanda and Uganda had hoped that by helping Kabila take power, they would ensure security on their borders and also benefit economically from North Kivu’s natural resources including minerals, gold and diamonds. By May 1997, Ugandan businessmen had jumped into the fray, selling everything from frozen chicken to plastic mugs to Congo. But Kabila had other plans. The Kisangani project also never materialized. This lack of interest on Kabila’s side to open up Congo to Uganda’s business interests was a critical blow to the relationship between Museveni and Kabila” (International Crisis Group, 1999). “Kabila was assassinated on 17 January 2001, the date set for commemorating the 40th anniversary of the death of Lumumba, whose successor he claimed to be. No light has ever been shed on this crime either” (Garreton, 2008).

RwandAir Tanz Airbil-2 LR-2

The plundering under Museveni in 90s in the DRC:
“At the request of the panel, the Ugandan authorities provided extensive data, including production and export values for agricultural products such as coffee, cotton, tea and tobacco. In terms of minerals, the data also cover gold and coltan production and export figures” (…)”The gap between production and export could originate from the exploitation of the natural resources of the Democratic Republic of Congo” (…)”Ugandan gold export does not reflect this country’s production, levels but rather that some exports might be “leaking over the boarders” from the Democratic Republic of Congo. The central bank reported that, by September 1997, Uganda had exported gold valued $105 Million, compared with $60 million in 1996 and $23 Million in 1995” (…)”Second, the data from the Ugandan authorities are silent with regard to diamond production and export” (…)”These diamond exports are suspicious for many reasons: (a) Uganda have no known diamond production; (b) Diamond exports from Uganda are observed only in the last few years, coinciding surprisingly with the occupation of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo” (…)” (c)” (…)”external observers on the need to control the rich diamond zone near Kisangani and Banalia” (UN, P: 19, 2001).

Salva Kiir Poster

Museveni’s adventure in South Sudan:
“Observers question how deployment of Uganda’s army, the Ugandan People’s Defence Force (UPDF), in South Sudan is paid for and who profits from it. At the beginning of the war, when Juba’s fall to the insurgents was a possibility, some of South Sudan’s national reserves as well as senior politicians’ assets were sent to Uganda” (…)”8 A return to intense combat or a protracted war in Uganda’s areas of operation would raise the financial and operational costs of the deployment. In February 2015, the defence ministry requested a supplementary budget allocation, in part to cover South Sudan operations, thus suggesting that they are as much strategic as economically motivated” (…)”Ugandan officials say these early payments do not appear in the national budget and speculate they may have been used for personal, not official purposes”.“The Report of the Committee on Defence and Internal Affairs on the Ministerial Policy Statement and Budget Estimates for the Fiscal Year 2015/16”, Parliament of Uganda, May 2015 (hardcopy with Crisis Group); Crisis Group Report, South Sudan: A Civil War by Any Other Name, op. cit., p. 23” (ICG, 2015)

Afterthought:
I don’t think I just discuss this deep subject to much. The stories and history tells enough and also the sadness of what the Ugandan Army has done after NRA/NRM took power in Uganda. This here is tales and stories of the darkness and shadow of President Museveni. Not only economic destruction in Uganda to personal gain, or democratic deficit to keep himself in power, this here is how he lived by the guns to keep loyal leaders in the neighborhood and also gain riches while looting the DRC. Peace.

Reference:
EXDIS – Unclassified American Government official update: SC-12252-94 ‘Rwanda Update’ (12.04.1994).
Otunnu, Ogenga – ‘Socio-Economic and Political Crisisin Uganda: Reason for Human Rights Violations and Refugees‘– Refuge Periodical, Canada – (October 14-17,1992)

Gombya, Henry D – ‘EXCLUSIVE: Museveni “ordered murder of Kayiira, Kazini and many others” (25.08.2013) link: http://www.thelondoneveningpost.com/exclusive-museveni-ordered-murder-of-kayiira-kazini-and-many-others/

International Crisis Group – ‘ICG Democratic Republic of Congo Report Nº 3’ (21.05.1999)

International Crisis Group – ‘South Sudan: Keeping Faith with the IGAD Peace Process’ Africa Report N°228′ (27.07.2015)

Unofficial OTP Translation – Witness KVB46 – RP 31398-31403 BIS – ‘Report on the Interview between Counsel Yaovi Degli and Mr. Kanyarushoki Claver’ (20.11.2006)

United Nation – S/2001/357: ‘Report of the Panel of Expert on the Illegal Exploration of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of Congo’ (12.04.2001)

United Nation – DOCUMENT ICC 01/04-01/06 – ‘REPORT FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT’ (03.12.2008) Written by Robert Garreton.

U.S. Department of State – ‘UGANDA HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES, 1993’ (31.01.1994).

30th NRA/NRM Liberation Day with the “First National Address” – On the Parliamentary Steps on the 26. January 1986 (Transcript of the Speech)

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Today is the Liberation day after the Bush-War in 1986. That led to the fall of Milton Obote, Yusuf Lule and Tito Okello. After years in the bush and using the guns and being armed to their teeth and after that actually run Uganda; that happens after losing the election in 1980 as a independent with the Uganda Patriotic Movement. He lost to Sam Kutesa his now Foreign Affairs Minister and loyal ally. Because he claimed the 1980s elections where UPC and Milton Obote won, he went to the bush because the system could not be fixed in peaceful ways. Today is the 26th January in remembrance of this and show respect to the start of 30 year reign of power. Here is a transcript of the speech he had that day. If that is to long I have the cut video clip first that can show the glimpse of what he was trying to say. Take a look and read if you will!

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ANYyEjHXIuI

Here is the speech he held on the NRA/M liberation and after the bush-war in front of the Parliament on the 26th January 1986:
NO ONE should think that what is happening today is a mere change of guard: it is a fundamental change in the politics of our country. In Africa, we have seen so many changes that change, as such, is nothing short of mere turmoil. We have had one group getting rid of another one, only for it to turn out to be worse than the group it displaced. Please do not count us in that group of people: the National Resistance Movement is a clear-headed movement with clear objectives and a good membership.

NRA marching to Kampala 1986

Of course, we may have some bad elements amongst us – this is because we are part and parcel to Ugandan society as it is, and we may, therefore, not be able completely to guard against infiltration by wrong elements.

It is, however, our deliberate policy to ensure that we uplift the quality of politics in our country. We are quite different from the previous people in power who encouraged evil instead of trying to fight it.

You may not be familiar with our program, since you did not have access to it while we were in the bush so I shall outline a few of its salient points;

The first point in our program is the restoration of democracy. The people of Africa-the people of Uganda-are entitled to democratic government. It is not a favour from any government: it is the right of the people of Africa to have democratic government. The sovereign power in the land must be the population, not the government. The government should not be the master, but the servant of the people.

In our liberated zones, the first thing we started with was the election of village Resistance Committees. My mother, for instance, cannot go to parliament; but she can, surely, become a member of a committee so that she, too, can make her views heard. We have, therefore, set up village, muluka, gombolola and district committees.

Later we shall set up a national parliament directly elected by the people. This way we shall have both committee and parliamentary democracy. We don’t want to elect people who will change sides once they are in parliament. If you want to change sides, you must go back and seek the mandate of the people who elected you.

Democracy
Some of these points are for the future, but right now I want to emphasis that the first point in our political program is democracy for the people of Uganda. It is a birthright to which all the people of Uganda are entitled.
The committees we have set up in these zones have a lot of power. You cannot, for instance, join the army or the police without being cleared by the village committee.

You must get a recommendation from the people in your village to say that you are not a rogue. Hence, the soldiers who are joining us from other armies will have to be referred back to their villages for recommendation. The same applies to the police.

Suppose, for instance, that we want to recruit some 500 soldiers from the District of Rakai and say 10,000 youths in the area apply to join. If 5,000 of those are cleared by their area committees as people of good character, the selecting military team will choose the most physically fit from among those, and we shall end up with an army that is both of good character and in good physical condition. This is an example of some of the work to be done by the village committees.

Another important aspect of the committees is that they should serve as a citizens’ intelligence system. If I go to address a rally in Semuto, Rape-ka or Nakaseke, I shall first meet the muluka and gombolola committees in the area. They will tell me whether the muluka chiefs are thieves, or the hospital personnel are selling drugs, or whether there are soldiers in the area who are misbehaving. They are thus able to act as watchdogs for the population and guard against the misuse of power.

The second point in our program is the security of person and property. Every person in Uganda must be absolutely secure to live wherever he or she wishes. Any individual or any group of persons who threatens the security of our people must be smashed without mercy.

Museveni 1986 Uganda

Security
The people of Uganda should only die from natural causes that are beyond our control, but not at the hands of fellow citizens who continue to walk the length and breadth of our land freely. When we were in Nairobi during the peace talks, it was a very painful experience sitting in a room with criminals across the table. 1 was advised that being a leader, you have to be diplomatic.

This prompted me to ask: “But does diplomacy apply to criminals as well?” to which the answer was, “Yes”. I saw then that the whole process was a farce. We tried peacefully to push the case that the Amin elements, and people like Bazilio Okello, who had killed people in broad daylight, must be excluded from government.

Our voice, however, was a lonely one because there were so many pressures from the International community which is interested only in trade. They do not care how many skeletons we have in Uganda: all they care about is for the road to be opened so that their goods can have free passage. We, therefore, made our position very clear: we were not going to take part in any government which included and Involved criminals. Unfortunately these people believed they had tricked us. Tito Okello, for instance, came back saying that my signing the agreement showed that they had removed the teeth from the salambwa (poisonous snake).

Our position, however, has always been very clear. If you play tricks with us, we shall play tricks with you; if you are honest with us, we shall be honest with you; if you are violent against us, we shall be violent against you. We are people who pay others in their own currency and we never use cowardly tactics. When I was in the bush, I had a lot of pressure from people who said that we should assassinate people like Obote, Muwanga and Bazilio.

NRA M7

Against assassination
I disagreed because I argued that when you assassinate people like that, you turn them into martyrs and heroes. What you need is to develop enough strength to enable you to sweep that kind of garbage to where it belongs: on the dung-heap of history. Why should anybody bother to kill small people like Bazilio? You may kill Bazilio Okello but you will be left with many other Bazilios.

Therefore, the security of the people of Uganda is their right and not a favour bestowed by any regime. No regime has a right to kill any citizen of this country, or to beat any citizen at a road block. We make it clear to our soldiers that if they abuse any citizen, the punishment they will receive will teach them a lesson. As for killing people – if you kill a citizen, you yourself will be killed.

During our struggle, we executed five soldiers of the National Resistance Army for killing people in Bulemezi, Ngoma and Fort Portal. One of these soldiers had killed a doctor in order to steal his money.

What, on the other hand, has been happening in Kampala? Recently, people were massacred in Luwero and a high-powered delegation was sent there: you know these so-called high-powered delegations led by Excellency’s and honorables, etc. Personally, I do not like being called ‘Excellency’.

People in Bulemezi call me Yoweri or Mzee wa Kazi. Now, these Excellency’s, and honorable ministers and high-ranking military personnel, and what-have-you went to Luwero. Can you imagine what they did? We were told that they had transferred the person who had killed the people in Luwero to another station! Can you imagine? Someone kills 100, 50 or even two people and you say you have transferred him to another area? It was suggested that the solution to some of our problems would be for Kampala to be completely demilitarized.

Disciplining soldiers
So I asked: “Where are you going to take these criminal soldiers? Even if you take them to a national park they will kill the animals there!” The solution, therefore, is to put criminal soldiers where they belong: in prison.

The third point in our program is the question of the unity of our country. Past regimes have used sectarianism to divide people along religious and tribal lines. But why should religion be considered a political matter? Religious matters are between you and your god. Politics is about the provision of roads, water, drugs, in hospitals and schools for children.

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Case for unity
Take the road from here, Parliament Buildings, to Republic House. This road is so bad that if a pregnant woman travels on it, I am sure she will have a miscarriage! Now, does that road harm only Catholics and spare Protestants? Is it a bad road only for Moslems and not for Christians, or for Acholis and not for Baganda? That road is bad and it is bad for everyone.

All the users of that road should have one common aspiration: to have it repaired. How do you become divided on the basis of religion or tribe if your interests, problems and aspirations are similar? Don’t you see that people who divide you are only using you for their own interests not connected with that road? They are simply opportunists who have no program and all they do is work on cheap platforms of division because they have nothing constructive to offer the people.

Our Movement is strong because it has solved the problem of division: we do not tolerate religious and tribal divisions in our Movement, or divisions along party lines such as UPC, DP, UPM and the like. Everyone is welcome on an equal basis. That is why you find that when our army goes to Buganda, the people there call it:” amagye gaffe, abaana baffe”. When it goes to the West, it is: “amahe gaitu, abaana baitu”: which means that wherever the NRA goes, it is called ‘our army, our children’. Recently, Buloba was captured by our army, and the commander in charge of the group was an officer called Okecho. He comes from Pakwach in West Nile.

Therefore, the so-called division between the north and south is only in people’s heads. Those who are still hoping to use it are going to be disappointed. They ought to dig a large grave for such aspirations and bury them. Ma-sindi was captured by our soldiers led by Peter Kerim: he, too, is from West Nile. Dr. Ronald Batta here, who is from Madi, has been our Director of Medical Services for all these years in the bush.

Milton Obote_pic

Angry’ Obote
Obote tried to propagate the idea that there was a division between the Bantus and the Nilotics and that if the Bantus took over, the Nilotics would be wiped out. We have, however exposed him. Whenever, we captured soldiers from Ac noli, Lango and elsewhere, we would treat them well and then release them.

Obote would be surprised and he would ask: “Were you really captured? Did you see Museveni? Were you really not beaten?” Once we captured the police commander of Masindi, a man called Gala.

I talked to him and another man called Epigo, also from Masindi. When we released them and Epigo got back to Obote, Obote did not like what Epigo had to say: that the National Resistance Army was not a tribal army as the Obote government had been trying to make out. So Obote locked Epigo up in Luzira Maximum Security Prison because he did not want to hear the truth about our Movement and Army.

There is, in philosophy, something called obscurantism, a phenomenon where ideas are deliberately obscured so that what is false appears to be true and vice versa. We in the NRM are not interested in the politics of obscurantism: we want to get to the heart of the matter and find out what the problem is. Being a leader is like being a medical doctor. A medical doctor must diagnose his patient’s disease before he can prescribe treatment.

Similarly, a political leader must diagnose correctly the ills of society. A doctor who does not diagnose his patient’s disease adequately is nothing but a quack.

In politics we have also got quacks – and Uganda has had a lot of political quacks over the past two decades or so. I also want to talk about co-operation with other countries, especially in our region. One of our weaknesses in Africa is a small market because we don’t have enough people to consume what we produce.

ReaganMuseveni

Regional cooperation
Originally we had an East African market but it was messed up by the Excellency’s and Honorable ministers. It will be a cardinal point in our program to ensure that we encourage co-operation in economic matters, especially in transport and communication within the East African region.

This will enable us to develop this area. We want our people to be able to afford shoes. The Honorable Excellency who is going to the United Nations in executive jets, but has a population at home of 90 per cent walking barefoot, is nothing but a pathetic spectacle. Yet this Excellency may be busy trying to compete with Reagan and Gorbachev to show them that he, too, is an Excellency. These are some of the points in our political program. As time goes on, we shall expand more on them.

Last appeal
To conclude, I am appealing to those people who are trying to resist us to come and join us because they will be integrated. They should not waste their time trying to fight us because they cannot defeat us.

If they could not defeat us when there were just 27 of us with 27 guns, how can they defeat this army which you saw here? They cannot defeat us, first of all, because we have a correct line in politics which attracts everyone. Secondly, we have a correct line of organization. Thirdly, our tactics are correct.

We have never made a mistake either in strategy or tactical calculation. I am, therefore, appealing to these people not to spill more blood, especially of the young men who are being misled by older people who should know better.

Museveni-with-a-dummy-map-of-uganda

Afterthought: 

I think this is enough. And it is celebration of 30 years. I will not be smooth, but rather silent. Because it seems like President Museveni forget his cause, if it ever was his cause and to make a democratic change. Even if he used a long time to give a multi-party system. Still his rigging turns as bad or worse then Obote II. That means that after 30 years they are doing the same thing they fought against. Which must be an ironic way of celebrating 30 years of power, with the same leader that held this speech. A speech that was powerful and if truthful and the power ate the man. Then he forgot why he came to power. There are many theories, but the man who took power talked a way of democratic behaviour, but now is more totalitarian and police-state then the state he wished to build in 1986. Peace.

Buganda Kingdom and Uganda Breweries Limited launched Ngule Beer today

Mission accomplished! We are proud to add to our stable of world-class brands, Ngule- a high quality and affordable beer, brewed in partnership with Buganda Kingdom. Brewed from local ingredients i.e cassava, sorghum and water, Ngule is yet another example of how our business creates sustainable growth and development of local communities through fostering an enterprise culture throughout our value chain and sourcing from local businesses that in turn creates jobs and uplifts household incomes.

Press Release: Toward the establishment of a Pan African Agribusiness Holding Company (25.01.2016)

AU 25.01.2016 MoU

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia, January 25, 2016 – The Chairperson of the African Union Commission, H.E. Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, and the Chairperson of SOBEK Trade and Investment (Egypt), Mrs. Manal Abdel Moneim, have signed a Memorandum of Understanding in support of an initiative to launch a Pan African Agribusiness Holding Company.

The MoU signed on Tuesday 19 January at the African Union Headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, aims at developing women’s agribusinesses by mobilizing investments and providing capacity to such businesses in different parts of the continent.

During the signing ceremony, the AU Commission Chairperson expressed her excitement about this initiative of the private sector, which, she noted was in line with Africa’s Agenda 2063. “I am very pleased that women in the private sector who are doing so well have not forgotten to support and pull other women along. I am very much inspired”. Dr. Dlamini Zuma remarked.

The Pan African Agrobusiness Holding Company initiative was inspired by the AU’s annual themes of Year of Agriculture and Food Security (2014); Year of Women’s Empowerment and Development toward Agenda 2063 (2015), as well as the African Agribusiness Strategy.

Press Release: AfDB approves US $76.7-million for Uganda’s agriculture programme (20.01.2016)

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The African Development Bank (AfDB) has approved a US $76.7-million loan to finance phase two of the Uganda Farm Income Enhancement and Forestry Conservation Programme (FIEFOC-2).

The programme, which was commended by the AfDB Board on Wednesday, January 20 for its good design and high-impact development objectives, comprises agriculture infrastructure and agribusiness development activities as well as an integrated natural resources management scheme aimed to consolidate and expand key achievements of its predecessor (phase one), which was completed in December 2012.

Designed within the context of Uganda’s National Development Plan and long-term development strategy – the Vision 2040 – the Project focuses on improving farm incomes, rural livelihoods, food security and climate resilience. It will also support sustainable natural resources management and agricultural enterprise development.

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In 2013, about 19.7% of the population, or 6.7 million people, were unable to meet their basic needs, according to a Uganda National Household Survey, which also disclosed that the incidence of poverty was highest among the food-crop growing category in the rural areas due to low income. Thus, the programme seeks to increase production and farmer incomes through improvements and expansion of irrigation schemes, development of agribusiness and adoption of sustainable land, forest, and water management practices and technologies to generate income from natural resources.

The programme will be implemented over a five-year period in five districts – Nebbi, Oyam, Butaleja, Kween, and Kasese – where irrigation schemes are located. The districts have an estimated 1.8 million population, 52% of them women. It will also benefit 300,000 households of which 20% are female-headed outside the irrigation command areas, by introducing or improving soil-conservation measures in the catchments feeding the irrigation schemes.

Furthermore, the project is expected to provide technical skills in conservation and other farming practices that promote environmental management and thereby increasing agricultural productivity in the project areas. It will also assist in the formulation and implementation of measures that reduce deforestation and promote agro-forestry which will lead to emission reduction and the protection of carbon reservoirs as part of the Reduction of Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) agenda. Carbon dioxide (CO2) to be sequestered in 20 years through tree-planting is estimated at 245,000. Training under the project will provide an opportunity for special attention to be given to intensification of climate-smart farming operations.

The project is anchored on the Bank’s Country Strategy for Uganda (2011-2016), which focuses on infrastructure development and increased agriculture productivity as well as human capacity improvement and skills development for poverty reduction. It is also in line with the Bank’s Ten-Year Strategy (2013-2022) and High 5s, which prioritize agriculture and food security as one of the key areas for the Bank’s future assistance.

The total cost of the project is estimated at US $91.43 million. In addition to the US $76.7-million AfDB loan, the Nordic Development Fund (NDF) will provide a US $5.6-million grant while the Government of Uganda will contribute US $9.13 million in counterpart funding.