Norman Thumuhimbise speaking out after the abduction and will report the Kampala Metropolitan Police tomorrow!

Finally is hespeaking to the world. After he was unjustly taken to custody by security organization earlier this week. Norman Thumuhimbise of the Jobless Brotherhood is being punished for speaking the truth and telling stories of youth who just want to work and not be unemployed anymore in Uganda. For that and for using peaceful tools to campaign for the cause that he is involved in. The Police and Security Organizations has done him and other oppositition people has also gotten this actions against them. And the world should take notice and give the regime a little of piece of mind. Instead it looks like it close it eyes shut because its in the wrong zip-code. If the giant media houses doesn’t care! I do.

One last thing:

The saddest thing is that he has to REPORT AGAIN to the KAMPALA METROPOLIAN POLICE!! After he has been unlawfully detained by people serving the security agencies and even the police. They interrogated him unlawfully and dumped him! Still has now to go back to the police and report himself. That can’t be just and lawful behaviour of the Police in the State of Uganda! Peace. 

Peace!

This is the press release on the 26th of August from Freedom House:

In response to the apparent abduction and detention of Ugandan youth activist Norman Tumuhimbise on August 19, Freedom House issued the following statement:

“Freedom House is concerned by Ugandan authorities’ apparent abduction and illegal detention of Norman Tumuhimbise, a youth activist, in an undisclosed location until his release August 26,” said Vukasin Petrovic, director for Africa programs. “The Uganda Police and Uganda Human Rights Commission should immediately investigate his abduction and release the findings publicly as soon as possible. As Uganda’s 2016 general elections approach, the Government of Uganda should ensure that the fundamental rights of human rights activists, as enshrined in the Constitution of Uganda, are respected.”

 

The Republic of South Sudan – The Reservations of the Government of the Republic of South Sudan on the “Compromise Peace Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan”, Juba 26th August 2015

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Burundi – The fresh reports of torture from Amnesty and proof that it’s old habits from the regime in the country

Burundi Report Police

There was released a report on torture of citizens in Burundi in recent year from CSO Amnesty the 24th of August. This here has been described I will take the defining characters of this from that report, but also some older documentation to prove that this isn’t new actions from the Governmental and Security organizations in Burundi. In 2006 the Committee from International Service from Human Rights commented on the torture matters already then. After that I will look on what numbers and anti-torture project where the purpose was: “Effectively build capacity for sustainable support to victims of torture; and prevent future incidences of torture”. And the projects are telling from the USAID in the same period. USAID had also a monitoring period that ended in 2007 that gives some interesting insights to the methods of torture. United Nations has made a review of the situation when it comes to torture as well in 2014. So that Amnesty International is telling stories that everybody who cares about Human Rights should read all of the personal stories. I have taken the big picture from the report that was delivered from the organization on the 24th of August 2015. Which also shows to the works of the UN and OHCHR and describing the matters and sadness of how the police and other units treats its citizens who demonstrate against the government. It should be stopped and international community should do something about it. Though it’s an issue that is continuation from 2006 and I am sure earlier then that while in war, an CNDD-FDD promised to lead with the USAID projects to shun this activities, but certainly hasn’t with the reports released recently. Read under the quotes and outtakes from a set of reports and some of the pieces from Amnesty.

Reports from 2005 and so on:

“The Committee criticised the lack of a definition of torture in Burundian domestic legislation. The delegation admitted that while Burundi officially endorses the definition contained in the Convention, their criminal code does not define torture, nor is torture as such criminalised. In practice, torture is treated as an ‘aggravating circumstance’ and pursued on the basis of ‘infliction of bodily harm’” (…)”Both country rapporteurs underlined that the legislation prohibiting torture must not only cover physical torture (which is the case as long as torture is prosecuted under the category of ‘bodily harm’), but needs to extend to psychological and mental torture. The Committee drew the delegation’s attention to the obligation States have to initiate investigations into cases of torture. Mr Camara said that given the lack of a domestic legal basis, prosecutors in Burundi did not have a clear incentive to investigate cases of torture” (…)”the National Intelligence Service (NIS). It is responsible for the collection of date in order to protect the state security of Burundi. It can also carry out police functions and arrest people. According to the State report, the NIS is one of the main institutions involved in cases of torture. The Committee repeatedly expressed concern about this situation. Mr Mariño said the NIS seemed to have a dual mandate and be responsible for political oppression; it needed to be reformed, monitored and made accountable to the judiciary. Mr Camara asked if NIS officers could be sanctioned by the PPS; the delegation confirmed this with reference to ongoing cases. The delegation agreed that the NIS had too many prerogatives and specifically asked for recommendations on how to curb its power” (…)”In reference to the prohibition of the use of evidence obtained through torture, the delegation referred to a supreme court judgement which prohibits such evidence from being used in court. However, a Committee member pointed out that this particular decision is ambiguous since it says that “a confession is not proof in itself, but merely a piece of evidence that must be corroborated by other evidence”. The Committee felt this could be construed so that evidence extracted through torture could be used if supported by other evidence (Human Rights Series, 2006).

Turning to concrete cases, some Committee members asked about further information on a massacre which had taken place at Gatumba. The delegation responded by saying that it had issued a report which attributed the responsibility for the massacre to members of the armed movement PALIPEHUTU-FNL” (Human Rights Monitor Series, 2006).

What USAID has worked on a long while and had programs with:

“IMPLEMENTING PARTNER: Search for Common Ground (SF CG), Trauma Healing and Reconciliation Services (THARS), Ligue ITE KA, Association pour la Protection des Droits Humains et des Personnes Détenues (APROD H)

FUNDING PERIOD: March 2003–September 2005

AMOUNT: $1,700,000

PURPOSE: Effectively build capacity for sustainable support to victims of torture; and prevent future incidences of torture” (Victims of Torture Fund, USAID, 2005-2006).

Trauma healing: Eighteen Healing Memory Group activities (785 participants) held to provide psychological healing for victims. 372 victims of torture received psychological support and 567 received medical services; 289 referred to partners; 750 transported to medical facilities (Victims of Torture Fund, USAID, 2005-2006).

Social Reintegration: Twenty-seven victims associations created. Thirteen ongoing series of monthly healing sessions/retreats with 1,636 participants (Victims of Torture, USAID, 2005-2006)

Funding/Year 2002 2004 2005 Total
USD In:  Thousands of Dollars 1,200 500 1,200 2,900

(Victims of Torture, USAID, 2005-2006)

Print

USAID has continued to follow up the country and reports on Torture between October 2007 – September 2011. Here is their findings and what they have received of information on the matter: “Human rights. The project worked to strengthen the institutional capacity of civil society organizations, particularly those focused on women, to advocate for gender-based violence, victims of torture, and conflict management. By launching campaigns and engaging in effective discourse with the government and the media, civil society groups were able to open up about the sensitive and often dangerous nature of supporting human rights, which led to increased awareness and understanding” (…)”Victims of torture. In Burundi, torture continues to be practiced and victims have had little recourse because those in positions of authority, such as public security agents, presidential police, soldiers, local government officials, and rebel groups have all practiced torture without being held accountable for their actions. Through its activities, the project has been able to help Burundians open up a public dialogue and raise awareness about the problem of torture, a subject that over the years had become taboo in many parts of society” (…)”Victims of torture consortium. One organization cannot influence change alone, and working in the anti-corruption or human rights arena can be dangerous. Thus to strengthen advocacy against torture in Burundi, the project convened civil society organizations working in human rights and torture to start a dialogue on what is needed in this area and propose the idea of creating a consortium. The project worked via the consortium structure to coordinate these various and extensive activities. At subsequent meetings, the number of civil society organizations more than doubled and by the time the consortium, Consortium Action Contre la Torture (CACT), was incorporated it represented most of Burundian civil society working in human rights, with 26 organizations and government entities. The consortium, designed to coordinate advocacy for the eradication of torture in Burundi, identified priorities for reform when the consortium was first formed” (…)”Victims of torture grants. The project allocated 18 grants to civil society organizations in Year 2; eight of them provided medical and legal assistance to 453 victims of torture. The project provided medical, psychosocial healing, and legal and judicial assistance. The grants were provided to organizations with previous experience in this area, and they were able to work in cooperation with other grantees as well as in the consortium against torture. The most pressing need for a victim of torture is medical assistance. Many victims are debilitated or prevented from working due to the injuries, and others live with the physical scars and residual pain. The assistance consisted of providing victims medicine, hospitalization, and specialized care. Seven grantees provided medical assistance to victims in various provinces. One example of the medical services provided by grantees is the work done by ACAT, an organization that carried out medical services in 26 communes” (…)”In addition to being physically traumatic, torture is also emotionally and psychologically traumatic. Even if physical scars heal, there are lasting psychological effects. The project created a support group that fostered an atmosphere of empathy, affection, and security that victims greatly appreciated — especially significant because most victims never dared to speak about their experiences” (…)”In Year 4, project grantee ABDP-DRS advocated for the use of alternative sentencing to imprisonment in accordance with a law of 2009. By meeting with decision-makers, including prison authorities, police, and judges to present data from a survey, ABDP-DRS was able to provide information on alternative sentencing. It also organized prison visits so that police and judges could see the current conditions of the prisons to which they were sentencing perpetrators. Action Chrétien Contre la Torture (ACAT) also received a grant to continue advocating decision-makers and judiciary actors. ACAT equipped judges, judiciary police, and prison officers with information gained during site visits of detention centers in 11 provinces to evaluate the torture cases, living conditions for detainees, and the application of the penal code regarding torture” (Burundi Policy Final Reform, 2007).

When we see earlier what the UN has scaled on the State of torture in the State of the Burundi. The UN commented this on the issues that were at hand in 2014:

Legislative measures for the prevention of torture

  1. While noting that an absolute prohibition of torture is established in the Constitution, the Committee is concerned at the numerous shortcomings of the organization and command structure of the country’s security services, particularly the Burundian National Police (Police nationale du Burundi) and the National Intelligence Service (Service national de renseignement). These services are still governed by presidential decrees, whereas the Constitution provides that they be governed by the necessary legal framework. While noting that article 31 of the State party’s Criminal Code establishes that an order from a superior officer cannot be used as an argument by the defence in a case of torture, the Committee remains concerned about the effective implementation of that provision (arts. 2, 6 and 16)” (United Nations, 2014).

The United Nations continues with this:

“The absolute prohibition of torture” (…)”The State party should, as a matter of urgency, take steps to incorporate provisions into its Military Criminal Code that establish that acts of torture and ill-treatment committed by military personnel constitute an offence, that such offences are not subject to any statute of limitations and that the sentences for such offences are irreducible. The provisions to be incorporated into the Code should also establish appropriate penalties” (…) “The Committee is alarmed by credible, corroborative and persistent reports of a large number of acts of torture and extrajudicial killings committed by members of the Burundian National Police and the National Intelligence Service. It is concerned about the slow pace and limited scope of the investigations and judicial proceedings that have been opened in this connection, which would appear to corroborate claims that the perpetrators of these acts enjoy impunity. The Committee also finds it regrettable that no information about cases that have gone to trial or the outcome of those trials has been forthcoming. It is also concerned at the absence of protection for victims and witnesses, who are subject to reprisals (arts. 2, 4, 6, 7, 12 and 14)” (…)”The Committee is alarmed at the appalling conditions of detention in places of deprivation of liberty. It deplores, in particular: the high levels of prison overcrowding; the failure to separate male prisoners from female prisoners, adults from minors and persons awaiting trial from those already sentenced; the shortage of beds and sleeping space; the poor sanitary conditions; the dilapidated state of the facilities; prisoners’ inadequate and unbalanced diet; and the lack of health care. It further deplores the death of 263 inmates, inter-prisoner violence and the sexual violence against women and minors perpetrated by other inmates and guards. Lastly, the Committee is concerned about the continuing practice, in the State party, of detaining patients in hospital for non-payment of fees” (…)”While taking note of the fact that article 289 of the new Code of Criminal Procedure provides for the compensation of victims of torture, the Committee expresses its concern at the failure to apply this provision, in violation of article 14 of the Convention” (…) “The restrictions on the right of assembly and demonstration imposed by law enforcement bodies and reports of cases involving the violent suppression of demonstrations resulting in the excessive use of force by the authorities, for example during the protests of March 2014” (…)“The serious human rights violations perpetrated by a youth group (referred to as the Imbonerakure) with close ties to the Government, including: the harassment of political opponents; the disruption of public meetings, acts of intimidation, arbitrary arrests and arbitrary detention and other acts of violence; and the use of so-called “amicable” arrangements for settling disputes. The Committee is deeply concerned by reports that the Government is providing this group with weapons and training” (United Nations, 2014).

brigade_de_recherche_et_dintervention_judiciaire

Amnesty has in recent reports on how the torture has been from May 2015:

“Both the SNR and the Burundian National Police (PNB) are responsible for torture and other ill-treatment. Former detainees described being beaten with branches, iron bars, and police batons; and being stomped on, threatened with death, denied medical care, and verbally abused. In one particularly horrific case, a five-litre container full of sand was hung from a man’s testicles, causing enormous pain and swelling, and then the man was made to sit in a shallow layer of what he believed was battery acid, burning his skin severely” (…) “In and after the demonstration in April 2015 this has happen: “The police response to the demonstrations was marked by a pattern of serious violations, including of the right to life, freedom of association and peaceful assembly. They used excessive and disproportionate force, including lethal force, against protesters, at times shooting unarmed demonstrators running away from them. Even where children were present during demonstrations, police still failed to exercise restraint, and used tear gas and live ammunition” (…)”The cases of torture and other ill-treatment under SNR detention documented here all took place at the SNR compound near Bujumbura’s cathedral” (…)”In early June, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in Burundi told Amnesty International they had documented nearly 50 cases of torture and other ill-treatment. On 7 July, the UN Secretary General’s report on the electoral observation mission in Burundi stated that “some 307 people have been arrested, including 14 minors. Most of those arrested have been subjected to torture and cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment by security officers (mainly police and intelligence agents)” (…)”According to information received from lawyers, when individuals previously held by the SNR have alleged torture before court, the evidence obtained under such circumstances did not appear to have been declared invalid in spite of clear provisions in the Burundian Code of Criminal Procedure. To date, there is no investigation and nobody has been arrested for torture at the SNR” (…) “However, the Burundian Code of Criminal Procedure makes provision for a detainee to remain silent if his lawyer is not present and for a detainee to communicate freely with his lawyer.16 A leading Burundian human rights organization, the Association for the Protection of Human Rights and Detained People (APRODH), is no longer granted access to the SNR’s compound. At least one detainee says that he signed a document under duress” (…)”A man held at the SNR was also told by other detainees that the Imbonerakure had given information to the police for their capture” (…)”several testimonies of torture and other ill-treatment at a place known as Chez Ndadaye in Bujumbura. According to a policeman and UN human rights monitors, Chez Ndadaye is an operational command centre for the police.36 It is known as Chez Ndadaye because the presidential palace that housed President Melchior Ndadaye, the country’s first democratically elected president and first Hutu president, once stood there” (…)”According to the first policeman and two victims, demonstrators were not kept overnight at Chez Ndadaye, but were beaten there before being transferred to the judicial police and/or police stations” (…)”The OHCHR carried out a planned visit to Chez Ndadaye on 12 June 2015, but did not observe any torture or beatings at the time” (…)”One policeman told Amnesty International some policemen are frustrated by the situation. He explained: “Several policemen are not happy about what takes place at Chez Ndadaye and have complained to their superiors. Most of the perpetrators are those who were previously in the bush (ex-FDD). They beat protestors. Maybe around 10 people came through Chez Ndadaye every day. Police used their batons and electric wires to beat them. They’d say ‘you who are against Nkurunziza, you are wasting your time, he’ll be president forever’,” (Amnesty, 2015).

Aftermath:

I don’t really want to comment more on the issues. Because the reports on reports are really telling its own tale, I will not add much on it. Then it’s a sad story of real men and woman who is scared and hurt for their position in society. That the UN, USAID, OHCHR and Amnesty reports from 2006-2015 is telling a vivid stories and painful facts. Too many victims of the government and police of Burundi, they all deserve a voice, they all deserve justice and a society where this wouldn’t happen. Instead the Police and Government of Burundi is going after their own people without prosecution and trial. Putting them in shackles, pushing them in cells and hurting them in places like Chez Ndadaye in Bujumbura and that is not the only house and police institution that is being used in a vile place. So no matter what people are being unjustified threaten and punished by the police and security forces in Burundi. There should be something the world could do to stop this systematic and unjust ways. Not just in writing and councils reviews of the United Nations, but in actual forum that can change the President Pierre Nkurunziza of Burundi and the regime of the country. That is the issue and it’s not easy especially with the ways that the president got “elected” into the third term. Pierre Nkurunziza will always be remembered in a unique way and essentially with the shunned sworn-in celebration in mid-August 2015. An also for the reports of torture that the police and security organizations are doing as well in his presidency as well, which isn’t a beautiful view. Peace.

Reference:

AFR 16/2298/2015 – ‘“JUST TELL ME WHAT TO CONFESS TO”, TORTURE AND OTHER ILL-TREATMENT BY BURUNDI’S POLICE AND INTELLIGENCE SERVICE SINCE APRIL 2015’ (24.08.2015) – Amnesty International

CAT/C/BDI/CO/2 – ‘Concluding observations on the second periodic report of Burundi’, Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, Committee on Torture (12.12.2014) – United Nations

Human Rights Monitor Series – ‘COMMITTEE AGAINST TORTURE 37TH SESSION BURUNDI, INITIAL REPORT’ (2006), International Service for Human Rights

‘BURUNDI UNDER REVIEW BY UNITED NATIONS UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW: RECOMMENDATIONS REGARDING JUSTICE MATTERS’, Commonwealth Human Rights Intiative

USAID – ‘BURUNDI POLICY REFORM FINAL REPORT October 2007 – September 2011 (12.09.2011) – This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by Chemonics International.

USAID – ‘VICTIMS OF TORTURE FUND PORTFOLIO SYNOPSIS 2005–2006’, Victims of Torture Fund, U.S. Agency for International Development

Dr. Riek Machar letter to Gen. Salim Selah – ‘Visit of SPLM/SPLA Peace Delegation to Uganda (23.08.2015)

Sudanletter

Press Release: Ethiopia first country to launch ClimDev-Africa Special Fund project (26.08.2015)

101330308-clim

The ClimDev Africa Special Fund (CDSF) launched its first project in Ethiopia on August 3 to help the country cope with, and build resilience to, climate change by enhancing capacity in climate monitoring, data analysis, interpretation, forecasting and dissemination for use in national decision-making.

The project entitled “Strengthening Climate Information and Early Warning Systems for Climate Resilient Development and Adaptation to Climate Change in Ethiopia – (SCI-EWS)” will be implemented over a span of three years at a total cost of EUR 1 million.

tegenu

Speaking at the launch, Ato Alemayehu Tegenu, Ethiopia’s Minister of Water, Irrigation and Energy, noted that, “Enhancing the capacity of the country’s National Meteorology Agency by promoting strategies that effectively manage risks; reduce vulnerability; and maximize opportunities associated with climate variability, change and extreme weather events for different socioeconomic sectors, is central to our commitment to build a fully climate resilient green economy by 2025.” Improved service delivery and cost recovery systems as a result of the project, are expected to generate additional income for the Government to ensure the future sustainability of the system together with the National Meteorological Agency.

Justus Kabyemera, AfDB ClimDev-Africa Special Fund Coordinator further stated, “This project exemplifies the importance of the ClimDev-Africa Special Fund to help mitigate the challenges associated with gathering and relaying important climate-related information on the continent – a critical step to help countries deal with climate change-related risk. In countries such as Ethiopia, in which climate change is not only recognized as a real threat, but as an opportunity as well, working towards sustainable adaptation and mitigation will help it achieve rapid economic development by promoting safe agricultural investments and boosting industrial growth.”

In addition to Ethiopia’s Minister of Water, Irrigation and Energy and staff, the launch was also attended by representatives from the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development, the African Union Commission, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, the African Development Bank (AfDB), ClimDev-Africa, and non-governmental organizations.

Following the launch, relevant National Meteorological Agency staff attended a three-day workshop on AfDB project implementation rules and procedures, such as procurement and monitoring and evaluation.

Ethiopia is the first country to benefit from the Fund.

About ClimDev-Africa Special Fund

Launched in November 2014, the ClimDev Africa Special Fund (CDSF) is the funding arm of ClimDev Africa, a joint programme between the African Union Commission, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and the African Development Bank. Housed at the AfDB, it is a demand-led fund that pools resources to finance investment activities on the ground across Africa for the generation and use of climate information for climate-resilient development. Grants are provided to projects in line with the ClimDev-Africa Programme’s goal, purpose and results areas and are implemented by national and regional organizations at all levels on the continent.

Uganda – Reports: Good news Norman Tumuhimbise was released from the Kampala Central Police Station earlier today

Norman

The National Cordinator of the JOBLESS BROTHERHOOD has finally Norman Tumuhimbisehas finally been released by from the hands of a dictator at around 4:30am in the morning almost in the same time Vincent Kaggwa was released now we are demanding for Sam Mugumya! 

Norman2

Press Release from Uganda Youth Platform!

Latest update on FREE NORMAN NOW – It’s him now, Tomorrow it’s me:
”””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””
Tumuhimbise Norman was released after news came in about his death. he was dropped at a roadside near Kasubi tombs after midnight, by a double cabin with dark curtains. his health is so worrying at a moment. he cant speak a word. his wife, family and members of Jobless Brotherhood are so worried about their lives.

Right now, POLICE HAS SURROUNDED HIS HOME & NEIGHBORHOOD FOR UNKNOWN REASONS. We call on Ugandans, media, international community to come to our rescue! The youth of uganda have not committed any offence. our demands are very clear..NO ELECTORAL REFORMS, NO ELECTIONS – we want a new governemnt that can attend to our needs – we need JOBS, good education, secure and bright future.

Uganda – UPF is detaining close family of Norman Thumuhimbise in Kampala today!

Norman

The reports and messages I got is sadly not a cute fairytale. This is becoming a farce from the UPF and the Police in General! This is acutally going on as we speak! After Norman Thumuhimbise disappearence… it’s still movement on the ground, but he has not come back to society yet! And no official statement from anybody! But there are reports on the persons connected to him, which isn’t a good look on anybody involved in the disapperence of Norman. Where is he? UPF what is going on? IGP Kale Kayihura where are you hiding the brother?

The reports I have gotten today is: “Normans Wife,the Kid Of 2yrs, Mayanja, Normans Sister Perfect Myself(Ojobile Augustine) Mubiru And 3 Others. Are Arrested At Kampala CPS As we reported To Make Inquiries About Normans File Of Disappearance Since Wednesday 19th!”

An hour later reports came from Augsustine Ojobile: “we Are Still In Statement Rooms”.

Reports from Uganda Youth Platform:

“Norman’s wife & daughter Clarisa & 5 other members of JOBLESS BROTHERHOOD are under arrest & torture at CPS room 48 being interrogated by kayihura police. Others are Mayaja Robert (Deputy Coordinator – Jobless Brotherhood), Augustin Ojobile, Mubiru Bashir”.

This clip is terrifing:

What do you think?

Peace!

Maj. Gen. Matayo Kyaligonza, the NRM Historical; Who has interesting thoughts on President Museveni’s succession and retiring plans

NRM Ideology.jpg-large 2

Major General Matayo Kyaligonza who is part of the Ugandan Envoy to Burundi has started to speak his mind to the media. He has become critical of the way Museveni lingers in power and trying to get his son-in-law Rwabwogo to succeed him in power in country. At the same time talking about respecting him as the president he still is, but this is totally different from what other loyalist are doing in the country. A breath of fresh air, wonder how Mzee feels about this? Now all of a sudden brigadier Kyaligonza from the bush-war is questioning his methods and continuation of the power in the country.

Maj Gen. Matayo Kyaligonza has been saying recently:

“Let the president call a meeting of NRM top organs of the National Executive Council and Central Executive Committee and we discuss the matter [Sucession]” (…) “Our dear president has also made it very clear. Presidency is not like hereditary club. He should call NEC and CEC and let us discuss. We used to discuss matters in the bush really” (…) “I can defy any other person but Museveni is still the president and I respect him” (…) “the way I see it” (…) “If I meet him (Rwabwogo) somewhere and he says that I know nothing will give him a hot slap” (…) “the one who brought us here? If you want to succeed your father do you kill him in order to get your inheritance?” (…) “Youths shouldn’t think that they will start with wanting to be president. Let them start at the LC-I then we see how they behave. But when you say that the old guard are “bazeeyi”[old] and they don’t know what they are saying then we shall have problems” (…) “[Historicals] don’t want familiarity because when we came [into power] we didn’t disrespect people” (The Insider, 2015).

He has spoken his mind a little bit more:

“Who is that one? Odrek? I don’t know him, I have never even seen him,” he said. “Is he the one who gave me work? He should tell such things [about retiring] to his father in–law [Museveni]. We are the ones that brought his father-in-law in power. Don’t make me talk too much” (…) “As a matter of fact, he was the commander who took down Makindye barracks, attacking Ndeeba from Masaka road. I know that very well,” Rwabwogo said. “I give him the due respect and the honour that you give an elder. However, I stand on the shoulders of the elders in order to do something better because there is always an evening of something and a dawn of another” (…) “When I get annoyed, I really get annoyed and I say the truth. I never sugar-coat in order to make people happy. We [historicals] don’t want familiarity because when we came [into power] we didn’t disrespect people,” (…) ““Look at all those people who are attending [Col Kizza] Besigye’s rallies. They want to support a cause because they are tired” (Kiyonga & Nsubuga, 2015).

Kyaligonza Old Pic

Afterthought:

I think his quotes and words speak of volume on their own. That he is asking questions in this manner also from a man who has been that loyal and becoming part of the Historicals of the NRM. He has gotten even a place in the Ugandan Envoy to Burundi as talk of dialogue there. He straightforward talking about discussion of power in the NEC and CEC proves that their questions from the loyalist even in the party. Even if the Police have gotten control over NRM Poor Youth Forum it will be harder to push on the Historicals because of their history and place in the legendary bush-war that brought the NRA which is now the NRM into power. So the President has to listen to keep things in order he can’t ambush the brigadier in the same way as the youth, even if he ask sincere questions about the succession and sole candidacy that President Museveni lives by. And it should be thought about when he is quoted and clear voice: “I never sugar-coat in order to make people happy. We don’t want familiarity because when we came [into power] we didn’t disrespect people”. That should be red light for the president! That is not GREEN! Not a go. That is what he is saying! Though I believe that the Mzee he has served all this year’s, won’t listen now and he hasn’t listened before. Brigadier can have the best intention in the world and speaking his mind about the president, but he at the same time want to show loyalty, that doesn’t mix with the general words he speaking. Though that is something we can expect, he is after all a military man who want to be frank, but also want to keep up with chain-of-command! Peace.

Reference:

The Insider – ‘Kyaligonza demands NRM meet on Museveni exit’ (24.08.2015) link: http://www.theinsider.ug/kyaligonza-demands-nrm-debate-on-museveni-exit/

Kiyonga, Derrick & Nsubuga, Alex – ‘Kyaligonza to Rwabwogo: first tell Museveni about retirement’ (24.08.2015) link: http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/39452-kyaligonza-to-rwabwogo-first-tell-museveni-about-retirement

Uganda – (Letter) Re: Our own Norman is missing – (Where is Norman Tumuhimbise?)

Norman

A letter from The Jobless Brotherhood: 

It is increasingly becoming risky and unsafe to stay in Uganda. It is common for plain clothed security personnel to pick any youth or Ugandan apart from MPs from any place any time. Detain you illegally at places of their convenience where friends and relatives can’t access you.

The most recent victim is Norman Tumuhimbise a leader of Jobless brotherhood commonly known as Mpigs. Norman didn’t make it home Thursday night and until now, he has gone missing. However his car remains parked in its’ night parking space. A report has been filed with Kawala Police Station under reference SBREF29/21/08/215 Person missing Norman Tumuhimbise.

You may not agree with what The Jobless brotherhood does but that doesn’t give anyone a right to kidnap another. If undeterred, the appetite for unlawful arrests could knock at your door steps. Let’s stop this by demanding that Norman be presented in courts of law. Lets’ embarrass and shame the officer who made the orders.

We do all this in the best interest of Uganda.

Dr. Kizza Besigye speech in Kasese Town yesterday (22.08.2015)

Dr. Kizza Besigye in Kasese

Whenever I come to Kasese, I enjoy and sleep like a young child. Thank you for giving me a second home.
Thank u for the support you have given me as a person and the party in general.
I also want to thank you for giving leadership to the struggle. Joining FDC is joining the struggle. And joining the struggle is a sacrifice in itself. Not for you as a person alone but also your family.
They are denied scholarships, tenders, NAADS because they are related to you.
Some families have broken up because of this struggle. In fact NRM uses it convince your family that they would get govt services if you were not in FDC.

I know of an old man in Rukungiri who has sons in police. These sons attacked him that they have failed to get promotions because he is an FDC leader.

You encourage me.

I want to tell you what NRM is.
If you are competing with your opponent in a football match, you must study your opponents and their tactics.

Fortunately I am one of those who built NRM. I know what it is.

NRM is not a political party as FDC. It started as an Armed Organisation. It had the political wing and the military wing.

Power in the country was captured by the NRA the military wing which handed it over power to Political Wing NRM.
Read Legal Notice Number One of 1986.
NRM turned into the state.
NRA became the national army
NRC became the parliament of Uganda. At the time it had 38 members where I was of it’s members. The Chairman of NRC Museveni became the speaker of Parliament and at the same time the President.
Because he was busy, it was the Vice Chairman Haji Kigongo who would act as Speaker of parliament. Some times it would sit as parliament and at other times it would sit as NRM organ. From 1986-2006.
It’s other structures became state structures eg the RC (1-5) which became LC.

We had District Administrators of NRM SDA. When we took over power they became DIstrict Administrators. In 1995 the name changed to RDCs.
The NRM secretariat became a national organ.
The NRM school of political science became National Leadership Institute.

The NRM intelligence organs the External and Internal became ISO, ESO and Military Intelligence. They all became state organs.

There were organs the NRM didn’t have in the bush like the police. All these years they have made sure they turn them into NRM organs. Like unce Museveni said Kayihura is a great NRM cadre.

By nature M7 fears elections. When I came out in 2001, he panicked. NRM is a political system according to the constitution.
So whoever wants to contest, comes as an individual. When I came out, he said it can’t be. He called the NRM organ and declare him the NRM candidate. This exposed NRM as a party and not a system as they wanted the world to think.
We went to the Constitutional Court and the judges rules that NRM is not a system but a party hence opening up space for political parties in 2005

We started parties but the Movement state was not dismantled. Actually like the LCI has never been competed for.
The challenge we have is that we are competing against the NRM State.

For 20yrs there was no formal opposition against the NRM. That is why corruption became the centre stage. Hence public services like education, health, infrastructure etc callapsed. Because of this, NRM became unpopular.

Therefore when I came out and challenged this system and said you are dishonest. We promised to give Ugandans three things namely;
To give Uganda a new constitution
Put in place systems
Organise election.
There was betrayal of Ugandans.

We disagreed with Museveni in 1989 when I told him that we should do what we set out to do.
In 1990 he fired me from his govt and sent me back to the army.

In 1999, I wrote a document outlining what was not going well in the movement. He refused to discussion my paper up to today.

We are struggling against the NRM State. We have a disgruntled population that wants this state out. That support has been huge all over the country.

This support has failed to achieve our goal because the NRM State manipulates elections.
In 2011, Museveni picked 2 Trillion without the approval of Parliament. After the elections inflation went above 30%. Fuel prices went to near 10,000/= and sugar the same price.

They have been able to rig because the NRM controls all the state institution.
The Supreme Court Judges agreed that the elections were not free and fair except that these judges didn’t know how to use these facts.

So our support is not questioned. Gen. Sejusa confirmed this when he said that we actually won by 69% in 2006. This statement has never been challenged by NRM.

Since 2009, Our task has been structural reforms. Parliament said they didn’t have time. That It was too late.
We didn’t go to court in 2011 coz we realized that the problems we have are political and not legal.

In 2014, Ugandans met at African Hotel and came up with the Citizen Compact which was signed by Political Parties, CSO and individuals.
We all resolved that we should not go to the next election without reforms.

Museveni is actually the Speaker of Parliament because when there is a serious matter, he calls the NRM Caucus which he chairs and what he wants he what is actually that is approved by Parliament.

Last week, these reforms were rejected by Parliament unfortunately including some of our people. We don’t know if they don’t know what we want or they are working with the dictator!

Our people fear to deal with the tough situation and do the tough work. In 2001 I told my colleagues that Museveni was not going if we don’t chase him, they thought he was only seeking his last term. At the end of the day, he changed the constitution and he is still around.

When he was changing the term limits, if we had tough people, he wouldn’t have it. MPs ate 5M and changed the constitution.
This time around MPs were given 110M which even some of our MPs took. The Electoral Reforms were thrown out.

I came to this Election for TWO reason.
To galvanize our support. Actually many of our people were especially in the East and the North, had started looking at JPAM. I believe I can help galvanize this support.

I still think we should put up a fight for Electoral Reforms. Happily we have support from the International Community. You recently heard the EU asking govt to give genuine reform. The same was echoed by President Obama in Adisa baba.
Some of our leaders are fronting the NRM argument that there is no time for reforms.
The Time table is not influenced by the law but by the politics. In 1985 there was supposed to be an election but the politics changed.

My task is to boost our support, fight for reforms and prepare for election.
We are NOT for a BOYCOTT .

If you give me the flag, I will go and ask the Captain for Yellow to drop the whistle.
Our colleagues are saying they can go to the election as they are without reforms. If so, what forces the dictator to give you reform. It’s like taking your neck to the slaughter house.

This has been the Struggle I stand for.

This struggle is about the 84% unemployed youth.
This struggle is about the 19 dying mothers daily.
This struggle is about the kids dying before their birth day.
This struggle is about the poverty of our people.

This election is a matter of life and death.

The NRM is at it’s weakest. It has attacks from JPAM, Prof. Bukenya, Gen. Sejusa. By the time we meet them, they will be at their weakest hence easy to defeat.

My colleagues are talking about building structures.
I cut my first term as party president short in order to build structures except that in a dictatorship, you can’t have strong structures, he keep buying them.

Since 2006, FDC has been the Leaders of Opposition in Parliament. How would that be possible if we didn’t have structures?
Those structures we built with our own efforts. But this time around, the party got 1.1 billions.
But structures should not be the main issue for this particular election.

Our Team decided that when they pour mad on us, we get water and clean.

Moses took the Children of Israel from Egypt and crossed the Red Sea to where Joshua found them.
In our case, we are still in Egypt and the Pharaoh is still Alive. So Joshua should wait for Moses to cross the Children of Israel from Egypt.

I once again ask you to support me and elect me as your flag bearer.