This video itself says it all. We all should see and think about what he says. This should go viral. Period. So if you don’t then the message isn’t clear on this vital subject! Spead it! Let it be heard. Peace.
Author: nilspeace
UN-OCHA Press release – UN and partners launch $16,4 Billion Humanitarian Appeal to bring aid to 57 Million People in 2015.
Samtiden/Morgenbladet – Skrivekonkurransen “Tegn i Tiden” og dette var mitt bidrag: “Hva er Samtiden?”.
Kjære skribent i “Tegn i Tiden”,
Nå har juryen landet på vinnerbidragene i konkurransen “Tegn i tiden”. Til sammen var det over 250 deltagere, og denne gledelig store pågangen gjør det ikke mulig for oss å svare alle personlig. Juryen har derfor laget tre kategorier med svar. Kategoriene gjelder 1) tekstene som trykkes, 2) tekster som kom til finalerunden og 3) tekster som i denne runden ikke ble vurdert som aktuelle.
Din tekst kom i kategori 2, og får juryens kommentar:
Juryen har bitt seg merke i din tekst og mener den har store kvaliteter. Den passerte ikke nåløyet for å komme på trykk (kun 14 tekster trykkes), men teksten kom til de siste finalerundene, fordi en eller flere av jurymedlemmene hadde satt en stemme på den.
Takk for bidraget og vennlig hilsen juryen ved
Anna B. Jensen, Kari Spjeldnæs, Gunnar C. Aakvaag, Lena Lindgren og Marit K. Slotnæs.
Her er min tekst som jeg sendte inn:
Hva er samtiden?
Hva er egentlig samtiden? Er den Ariana Grande? Er den Kim Kardashians utringende kjole på forsiden av VG? Er den en twitter beskjed fra Kofi Annan eller Facebook status oppdatering fra Fru Hansen i naboblokka?
Samtiden er kompleks fordi menneske er komplekse. Vi har ti fingre og ti tær. Vi spiser, vi driter og vi velger inni mellom dårlige ledere. Tiden vi lever i er en populistisk og tabloid virkelighet. Hvor virkligheten skal skje like kjapt som Nespresso maskinen, altså et tastetrykk fra du trykker til du får en vaniljesmakende cappuccino. Ting skal ikke ta tid. Fordi vi har egentlig ikke tid. Vi har ikke tid til våre egne barn – så vi sender dem alle i hop til barnehagen. Som vi nesten ikke har tid til å levere de i. Vi skal jo både trene, sende bilder av maten vi eter på facebook, gå på lange turer i fjellet, lese siste boken av Jo Nesbø på hytta og selvfølgelig selfie av SK2014.
Samtiden er demokrati eller kanskje en ny forståelse av demokrati rundt omkring i verden. Det er ikke lenger sett som at valg enten er rigget og opprettholder regimet, men reelle folkebevegelser svakt sammenbundte de enn er. Så støtter de tanken om et seriøst folkestyre – ikke lenger bare ett skinn-demokrati med en «big man» som er en regent og befolkningen som forfølges enten av trusler om politi på døren. Dette er med tanke på hva som skjedd i Tunisia, Egypt og konflikten i Syria. Selv om man har fortsatt standhaftige ledere i Zimbabwe, Demokratiske Republikken Kongo, Uganda, Ekvatorial-Guinea, Marokko, Algerie og Nord Korea som holder folk under kontroll og ikke har reelle demokratiske forhold. Så har vi bare et diktatur i Europa igjen for øyeblikket i Hviterussland. Selv om Putin holder Russland strengt bevoktet. Ungarn er det er usikkerhet rundt neste valg. Så har det forsatt slik at i denne samtiden har også gryvende konflikt i Ukraina som involverer Putins Russland, interne konflikter i Irak og Afganistan. Å slag i jevne mellomrom i Mogadishu i Somalia som har foregått siden fallet til Said Barre. Der African Unions tropper AMISOM har styrker og andre distrikter er tatt av nabolandet Kenya. Men i samtiden er ikke dette et stort diskusjonstema, unntatt hvis Somaliske pirater kidnapper sjøfolk fra en britisk seilbåt.
Samtiden er økologi, fair-trade og etiske tanker rundt hverdagen. Corporate Social Responsibility. Samtiden er Svane-merket. Velge for å vise vår personlighet. Hvis vi er skikkelig omtenksomme kjøper vi «geiter» eller «skolesekk til Dikembe i Zambia» fra Strømmestiftelsen eller Kirkens Nødhjelp i julegave til Onkel Fredrik. Samtiden er miljøvennlighet. Teslaer som kjører oftere ned Pilestredet enn Ferrarier. Nissan Leaf på ladestasjon ved McDonalds før ferja fra Sandvikvåg i Fitjar. Så miljøvennlige skal vi være at søppelet må minst være sortert i 3 bokser, pluss du må gå halv mil for å kvitte deg med vinflasker og hermetikkbokser. Den er så miljøvennlig at Fitjar og deler av Lista ser ut Søndre-Velje ikke fordi det har emigrert en haug dansker dit, men fordi det har kommet en drøss med nye vindmøller.
Samtiden er at enten så skal Ølet enten være en enkel pils på boks eller så skal være så avansert laget på det minst mulige mikrobryggeri som er gjemt i huttiheiti mellom Skråningen og Vika, der hvor det er flere sauer enn folk. Der ligger Mixy Mikrobryggeri og de lager både Weissbier og IPA med spesial humle fra Belgia. Kos å ha på hytta på Hvaler i båten og til steika etter jobb en torsdags-ettermiddag og husk å ta bilde av det. Da kan du legge det ut på Facebook! Samtiden er også økt forbruk av Vin. Vin er folkelig. Så folkelig at det kan ikke være en troverdig avis om den ikke har anmelding av de nyeste vinene som eksisterer på polet. Samtidig er det fortsatt forbudt å ha reklame for alkoholdige varer. Samtiden er som sagt kompleks.
Samtiden er streaming. Enten om det musikk der du lager lister på Spotify eller Wimp. Det er liten gjeng sære mennesker som forsatt kjøper Cder på Platekompaniet. Samtiden går «Back to the Future», enten kjøper du den spesielle platen som LP eller så laster du den ned på Itunes. Med introduksjonen av Smart telefonen. Fancy mobilen. Ipod døderen. Så går folk mindre rundt med to elektroniske dingser untatt de som trenger både Smart telefonen og nettbrettet på bussen. Samtiden er musikk høyt i ørepropper og hodetelefon i regnbuens farger gjerne som får bankkontoen til Dr.Dre eller 50 Cent høygravid. Dette er deres gullunge. Tilbake til Platekompaniet selger mest filmer og spill. Streaming av filmer og serier tar også over. Netflix. HBO Go. ViaPlay. TV2 Sumo. Filmer ellers selges i to format eller leies digitalt. Når var det sist du gikk på Mix og leiet en blockbuster? Nesten samtidig du kjøpte Mariah Carey kassett til jul til dama, sant? Alle de Amerikanske superheltene har sine egne filmer etter Disney kjøpte Marvel. Ikke nok at alle venter på at Sony skal ødelegge enda en helt fra deres univers i DC Comics, det pleier å skje med jevne mellomrom.
Samtiden er politisk korrekthet. Så politisk korrekt at hvis noen skriver sin personlige politiske mening så er de enten en catfish, Nigeriansk prins som lover deg en gave av sin formue om du sender 100 dollar via Western Union eller så er man rasist. Politisk korrekthet handler om hvordan man argumentere og hva som er fokusert i argumentene. Det er «jeg» eller «samfunnskostnader». Vi er enten ett tenkende individ som har retten til ting i samfunnet eller så er vi en samfunnskostnad som samfunnet må slippe. Vi har gått fra et samfunn som er stolt av å ha røkere til å gjemme den tobakken i kassen. Fordi å se sigarettpakker er både skadelig og kan påvirke deg til å plukke en ti pakkning Lucky Strike.
Samtiden er helsefokusert. Så helsefokusert at favorittbrusen er Pepsi Max. Sukkerfri. All brus skal hvis noen får sin våte drøm bruke Stevia enn sukker, selv om vi enda ikke vet alle effektene ved dette. Samtiden er så helsefokusert at det er like mange treningsstudioer som det er blomsterbutikker i mange nabolag, av å til flere. Det er så mange at flere kjeder slår seg sammen. Samtiden er så helsefokusert at vi har fått folk oppmerksomhet rundt palmeolje, sukkerinnhold og fett. Så vi tror at de samme produktene er bedre for oss om de har rapsolje, smaks-forsterker, søtningsmiddler og kanskje mer karbohydrater. Sunn miks? Samtiden er så helsefokusert at alle som selger klær eller går på den røde løperen er enten en mannelig six-pack eller kvinnene er tynne med store rumper, pupper, botox, fete lepper og mest mulig hud. Hennes & Mauritz reklamer på veggen ser ut som sommeren er her hele året. Etter på byttes plakaten til tilbud på Stratos. Samtiden er helsebevisst. At Melk er dyrere en Cola. Vi tror vi helsebevisste fordi nøkkelhull på Grandiosa, Fjordland og visse pastaer. Venter på flere nøkkelhullet merker på Maarud chips, Vørterøl og Freia sjokolade. Fordi samtiden er så helsebevisste.
Samtiden er selvsentrert. Det skal være en perfekt fasade. På facebook, hagen, bilen, familiebilder, ferier og huset. Alt skal være for oss. Ikke for andre for oss. Hvis vi gjør det for andre er fordi vi gjør det egentlig for oss. For å bygge videre på vår egen identitet. Image. Bilder blir tatt for snapper på Snap chat og blir vekke før de blir husket. Eller så ligger det på Instagram for å flest mulig til å like de. Du er på twitter for å si din korte mening for å vise hva du selv tenker og gjerne legge denne som status på Facebook samtidig. Samtiden er selvsentrert. Sånn at vi har blogger for å vise oss selv fram eller bli et produkt for kommersielle aktører å sikre hits på sidene, enn å skrive for å forandre. Samtiden er så selvsentrert at vi kan ikke plukke opp pærer i butikken som ikke ser korrekte ut. Samtiden er Tinder, en liten app som viser en aktuell person – enten så sveiver du over å sier at du liker eller går andre veien å ikke-liker. Å noen personer lurer hvorfor gentleman og manerer er vekke. Når man ikke har skrytebilde eller perfekt SK2014. Så er det vanskelig å bli trukket ut i 10 sekunds sjansespillet på Tinder. Det er lengesiden man lånte vekk jakken til en kvinne som frøys på vei hjem fra byen på trikken.
Samtiden er så hurtig og skiftende. Den skifter og bøyer seg så kjapt. Innen null tid så er mobilen tom for batteri. Samtiden er vikariater. Det vil si at det mer vanlig å komme inn som ansatt via vikariat i enten det private eller i de statelige institusjoner. Samtiden er effektiviseringer og sammenslåinger. Høyres og FRPs drømmer om at Levanger kommune skal dobbles i størrelse for kanskje en gang i framtiden slås i sammen med Frosta, Leksvik, Indreøy, Verdal, Steinkjer og Verran. Om det i realiteten blir billig som partiene ønsker, er vel mer en drøm, og forteller litt om den komplekse samtiden.
Samtiden er å velge og ha valg. Ikke man tenker over det, men man tar valg hele tiden. Man hører ikke på en radio kanal. Du kan velge mellom 20 forskjellige. Den ene spiller techno, andre gammal rock og den tredje har radioresepsjonen. TV kanaler er det nok av. Vi kan egentlig alltid se på tv. Fordi om vi vil og har kjøpt tilgang kan vi streame kanalene på enten på tven, ipaden eller mobilen. Du kan se Al-Jazeera, Discorvery Channel og Animal Channel, eller NRK og TV2. Handler bare om penger og anledning. Så man snakker om ikke om at alle ser det samme lenger. Selv om noen aviser tror at alle ser på Breaking Bad og Games Of Thrones. Det stemmer, mange ser på disse, akkurat som mange så på The Wire. Samtiden ser på varierte program etter som smak og image. Noe som gjør at vi kan diskutere med venner om hva vi kaller for guilty-pleasure. For noen er dette Two and Half Men, andre er dette Two Broke Girls. Samtiden er å velge. Tidligere hadde man ikke dette. Man måtte enten følge programmet, ha samme boksen med tilgang. Du kunne ikke se Champions League i opptak på hytta. Den gikk klokken 2000 på TV3 og du måtte høre på kommentarene til Jan Åge Fjørtoft om hvordan Ballack er den beste tyske spissen noen sinne.
Samtiden er forsatt frykten for det ukjente. Frykten for å bli kjent med naboen eller snakke med fremmende på bussen, toget eller t-banen. Samtiden er frykten for Ebola, Aids eller Seksuelt Overførbart Infeksjoner(SOI), ikke at det er noe nytt. Samtiden er at legene ikke skal ha samvittighet i navnet for likestilling. De skal bare lyde jentene som skal ha sex uforsiktig og deretter ha abort. Samtiden er likestilling på et nivå som gjør mannen til liten. Så liten at jenter får fordeler av å gå inn på mannsdominerte områder, men om man gjør det omvendte så blir man møtt med enorm stigma. Derfor døde det ganske fort hend når det var diskusjon om det var korrekt med lengre permisjon for menn. Eller om menn kunne ha førsteretten på barn etter skilsmisse. Dette er ikke tema i samtiden.
Samtiden er kompleks. Så kompleks at denne teksten gir bare et grunnlag for hva som spesielt i den tiden vi er en del av. Om man sitter og browser på smart-telefonen enn å bruke tid på lese den skikkelig. Eller leser nøye igjennom denne i fredags eller helge-avis. Det er tydelig om du tenker over eller bare se over og tenker. Ja, denne karen kan ha forstått noe, eller ikke har forstått noen ting. Om Malala har gjort nok for Fredsprisen, om Obama hadde gjort nok og om EU hadde rett til sin, er spørsmål mange av oss i samtiden vil stille spørsmål til. Får vi svaret det tviler jeg på. Bare at Jagland kan komme i avisene med et lurt smil og ikke snakke om bygge det norske hus. Samtiden er kompleks. Så komplisert at det er mer elektronikk i bilen enn i smart-telefonen. Dermed kan veldig få mekke på sin nye Golf. Den må betale en ekstra formue på verkstedet med en gang en bolt inni motoren blir løs. Samtiden er kompleks. Ingenting av det jeg har skrevet til deg her bli sett på som fakta. Siden det er slik jeg ser virkeligheten. Du vil ikke se virkeligheten likt som meg. Fordi slik jeg ser den som kompleks kan du sitte på andre siden med en skjerm og se den som en lettfattelig virkelighet. Hvor kravene virker enklere. Der du legger ut bildene ved middagsbordet og vinen å smiler med venner. Mens jeg grubler over hvorfor du gjør det.
Samtiden er tiden vi lever i. Den er slik den er fordi vi har gjort den slik eller fordi andre har gjort det mulig for å bli slik. Så om du ikke tid til å levere ungen i barnehagen før jobben er fordi du laget en ny liste i Spotify til bilen. Ikke fordi Spotify sa at du måtte lage en liste for å spille i bilen. Samtiden er tiden vi lever. Fordi vi født inn til å være en del av denne tiden og oppleve den som den er. Uansett om vi ønsker det eller ikke. Så må vi bare leve i den og bruke de egenskapene tiden vår har og være tilstede og være til glede for de menneskene som vi deler denne tiden med. Peace.
No. 633/14: Note from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Kenya to the United Nations
Nelson Mandela statement from 26th of June 1961 – ‘the struggle is my life’
26 June 1961
Statement by Nelson Mandela explaining his decision to carry on his political work underground in accordance with the advice of the National Action Council (NAC).
The struggle is my life
The magnificent response to the call of the National Action Council for a three day strike and the wonderful work done by our organisers and field workers throughout the country proves once again that no power on earth can stop an oppressed people determined to win their freedom. In the face of unprecedented intimidation by the government and employers and of blatant falsehoods and distortions by the press, immediately before and during the strike, the freedom loving people of South Africa gave massive and solid support to the historic and challenging resolutions of the Pietermaritzburg Conference. Factory and office workers, businessmen in town and country, students in university colleges, in primary and secondary schools, inspired by genuine patriotism and threatened with loss of employment, cancellation of business licences and the ruin of school careers, rose to the occasion and recorded in emphatic tones their opposition to a White republic forcibly imposed on us by a minority. In the light of the formidable array of hostile forces that stood against us, and the difficult and dangerous conditions under which we worked, the results were most inspiring. I am confident that if we work harder and more systematically, the Nationalist government will not survive for long. No organisation in the world could have withstood and survived the full-scale and massive bombardment directed against us by the government during the last month.
In the history of our country no political campaign has ever merited the serious attention and respect which the Nationalist government gave us. When a government seeks to suppress a peaceful demonstration of an unarmed people by mobilising the entire resources of the State, military and otherwise, it concedes powerful mass support for such a demonstration. Could there be any other evidence to prove that we have become a power to be reckoned with and the strongest opposition to the government? Who can deny the plain fact that ever since the end of last month the issue that dominated South African politics was not the republican celebrations, but our plans for a general strike?
Today is 26 June, a day known throughout the length and breadth of our country as Freedom Day. On this memorable day, nine years ago, eight thousand five hundred of our dedicated freedom fighters struck a mighty blow against the repressive colour policies of the government. Their matchless courage won them the praise and affection of millions of people here and abroad. Since then we have had many stirring campaigns on this date and it has been observed by hundreds of thousands of our people as a day of dedication. It is fit and proper that on this historic day I should speak to you and announce fresh plans for the opening of the second phase in the fight against the Verwoerd republic, and for a National Convention.
You will remember that the Pietermaritzburg Resolutions warned that if the government did not call a National Convention before the end of May, 1961, Africans, Coloureds, Indians and European democrats would be asked not to collaborate with the republic or any government based on force. On several occasions since then the National Action Council explained that the last strike marked the beginning of a relentless mass struggle for the defeat of the Nationalist government, and for a sovereign multi-racial convention. We stressed that the strike would be followed by other forms of mass pressure to force the race maniacs who govern our beloved country to make way for a democratic government of the people, by the people and for the people. A full-scale and countrywide campaign of non-co-operation with the government will be launched immediately. The precise form of the contemplated action, its scope and dimensions and duration will be announced to you at the appropriate time.
At the present moment it is sufficient to say that we plan to make government impossible. Those who are voteless cannot be expected to continue paying taxes to a government which is not responsible to them. People who live in poverty and starvation cannot be expected to pay exorbitant house rents to the government and local authorities. We furnish the sinews of agriculture and industry. We produce the work of the gold mines, the diamonds and the coal, of the farms and industry, in return for miserable wages. Why should we continue enriching those who steal the products of our sweat and blood? Those who exploit us and refuse us the right to organise trade unions? Those who side with the government when we stage peaceful demonstrations to assert our claims and aspirations? How can Africans serve on School Boards and Committees which are part of Bantu Education, a sinister scheme of the Nationalist government to deprive the African people of real education in return for tribal education? Can Africans be expected to be content with serving on Advisory Boards and Bantu Authorities when the demand all over the continent of Africa is for national independence and self-government? Is it not an affront to the African people that the government should now seek to extend Bantu Authorities to the cities, when people in the rural areas have refused to accept the same system and fought against it tooth and nail? Which African does not burn with indignation when thousands of our people are sent to gaol every month under the cruel pass laws? Why should we continue carrying these badges of slavery? Non-collaboration is a dynamic weapon. We must refuse. We must use it to send this government to the grave. It must be used vigorously and without delay. The entire resources of the Black people must be mobilised to withdraw all co-operation with the Nationalist government. Various forms of industrial and economic action will be employed to undermine the already tottering economy of the country. We will call upon the international bodies to expel South Africa and upon nations of the world to sever economic and diplomatic relations with the country.
I am informed that a warrant for my arrest has been issued, and that the police are looking for me. The National Action Council has given full and serious consideration to this question, and has sought the advice of many trusted friends and bodies and they have advised me not to surrender myself. I have accepted this advice, and will not give myself up to a government I do not recognise. Any serious politician will realise that under present-day conditions in this country, to seek for cheap martyrdom by handing myself to the police is naive and criminal. We have an important programme before us and it is important to carry it out very seriously and without delay.
I have chosen this latter course, which is more difficult and which entails more risk and hardship than sitting in gaol. I have had to separate myself from my dear wife and children, from my mother and sisters, to live as an outlaw in my own land. I have had to close my business, to abandon my profession, and live in poverty and misery, as many of my people are doing. I will continue to act as the spokesman of the National Action Council during the phase that is unfolding and in the tough struggles that lie ahead. I shall fight the government side by side with you, inch by inch, and mile by mile, until victory is won. What are you going to do? Will you come along with us, or are you going to co-operate with the government in its efforts to suppress the claims and aspirations of your own people? Or are you going to remain silent and neutral in a matter of life and death to my people, to our people? For my own part I have made my choice. I will not leave South Africa, nor will I surrender. Only through hardship, sacrifice and militant action can freedom be won. The struggle is my life. I will continue fighting for freedom until the end of my days.
End.
My 2 cents:
– This is just my thoughts. This speech is so powerful and amazing. The sad thing is that its now been one year and a day since his death. This speech I upload here today in rememberence of his peaceful and revolutionary mind. Peace.
5 December 1933 – Today was the end of Prohibition (18th Amendment into the 21th amendment)


Well, today I am back into history. It’s kind of an important day today. The Prohibition era lasted from 1920 until the 21.Amendment of 5. December of 1933.
“At midnight, January 16, 1920, the United States went dry; breweries, distilleries, and saloons were forced to close their doors” (DigitalHistory)
“Between 1905 and 1917, states across the nation were imposing laws that prohibited the manufacture and sale of intoxicating beverages. They did not stop there, however. The temperance societies began to push to change American society and elevate morality through national legislation. In 1917, the House of Representatives wanted to make Prohibition the 18th Amendment to the Constitution. Congress sent the amendment to the states for ratification, where it needed three-fourths approval. The amendment stipulated a time limit of seven years for the states to pass this amendment. In just 13 months enough states said yes to the amendment that would prohibit the manufacture, sale, and transportation of alcoholic liquors”(National Archives).
“It was on January 20, 1920 when the 18th Amendment to the Constitution took effect. This amendment prohibited the production, manufacture, and sale of alcoholic beverages within all the states and territories of the U.S. The 18th amendment was the outcome of the decade-long temperance crusade, which aimed to end the dilemma of alcohol consumption in the country” (TotallyHistory).

“Prohibition has made nothing but trouble” – Al Capone
“Notorious bootlegger Al Capone made $60,000,000…that’s sixty million dollars…per year (untaxed!) while the average industrial worker earned less than $1,000 per year” (Potsdam) .
“Enforcing the law proved almost impossible. Smuggling and bootlegging were widespread. Two New York agents, Izzie Einstein and Mo Smith, relied on disguises while staging their raids–once posing as man and wife. Their efforts were halted, however, after a raid on New York City’s 21 trapped some of the city’s leading citizens. In New York, 7,000 arrests for liquor law violations resulted in 17 convictions (Digital History)”
“Prohibition was difficult to enforce, despite the passage of companion legislation known as the Volstead Act. The increase of the illegal production and sale of liquor (known as “bootlegging”), the proliferation of speakeasies (illegal drinking spots) and the accompanying rise in gang violence and other crimes led to waning support for Prohibition by the end of the 1920s” (History.com).
First day reporting from Seattle Post-Intellgencer reporte this:
“You walked into a bar on lower 3rd Ave. There were nine people in the place. A venerable bartender stood with folded arms, looking at the wallpaper.
“Brandy and soda? Yessir. No, the crowd’s nothing extra tonight. In fact,” he says confidentially, “it’s very slow tonight. Must be the rain” (HistoryLink)
Here is the 21th Amendment of 5th December 1933:
Links:
Digital History – ‘Prohibition- Digital History ID3386’
Link: http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=2&psid=3383
History Link – ‘Prohibition ends on December 5, 1933’ Link: http://www.historylink.org/index.cfm?DisplayPage=output.cfm&File_Id=3343
History.com – ‘Prohibition’
Link: http://www.history.com/topics/prohibition
Potsdam – ‘Prohibition: The Noble Experiment’
Link:http://www2.potsdam.edu/alcohol/FunFacts/Prohibition.html#.VIIopzGG-So
National Archives – Volstead Act:
Link: http://www.archives.gov/education/lessons/volstead-act/
TotallyHistory – ‘21st Amendment to the Constitution’
Link: http://totallyhistory.com/21st-amendment-to-the-constitution/
Statement by his Excellency hon. Uhuru Kenyatta, CGH, President and Commander-In-Cheif of the Defence Forces of the Republic of Kenya on the withdrawal of the case at the International Criminal Court.
Dismantling the Ten-Point Program of NRM – Uganda.

“When the NRM captured power in January 1986, it found the following major problems;
- i) Severe shortage of basic necessities like soap, cloth, housing, sugar, blankets, salt etc.
- ii) Severe bottlenecks involving
– Shortage of transport
– Badly damaged roads both trunk and feeder roads
– Malfunctioning power and water supply
– Lack of agricultural inputs
– Unutilized capacity in the industry sector
iii) Disruption of life in most parts of the country leaving behind displaced people, orphans and widows.
- iv) High level of insecurity
- v) Huge money supply in the economy
- vi) High rate of inflation
vii) Very unfavourable balance of payments” (P.5, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011)
The Ten-point program:
- Restoration of Democracy:
Constitutionalism and fair elections was part of this point in the program. NRM and Yoweri Museveni made a new launched in 8. October 1995. That their holding elections every 5 years (P.6, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Restoration of security of all persons in Uganda and their properties: First they did disciplining the army – that got the NRA and UPDF together. Also restoring some safety and peace in the Northern Uganda with the operation to get rid of LRA and also stabilizing things in South Sudan. Keeping law and order with the run of things with UPF (P.11-15, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Consolidation of national unity and elimination of all sectarianism. President Museveni said himself on 12th of May 2006: “Ever since 1986, when the National Resistance Movement (NRM) ended decades of state-inspired extra-judicial killings that accounted for the death of 800,000 Ugandans between 1966 and 1986, we introduced popular democracy based on a no-party model. In order to defeat the almost one century old sectarianism that had been fomented among our people and had been partially responsible for the upheavals that gripped Uganda, we avoided the immediate re-introduction of multi-party democracy. This model was not well understood abroad although it healed our people from sectarianism based on religious sects and tribes. We ignored the pressures from outside until we were convinced that the mindset of people had changed.”(P:16, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Defense and Consolidation on National Independence: By doing this point was to get political independence. That wasn’t officially in place before 1986. Economic independence – that being the result of URA is now collecting 100 times more than it did from 1987 to 2010 (P. 19, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Laying a basis for building: an independent, integrated, self-sustaining national economy. This has been done by becoming a part of COMESA and EAC. Also 20 policies have become bills to this date. Make opportunity for private sector development. Also the growth the ICT/Telephone business and the Oil exploration will give the economy a boost (P.21-25, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Restoration and improvement of social services and rehabilitation of the war-ravaged areas. This has happen through the extensive expansion of the health care. Also the new standard in educational system in Uganda: “Article 30 of the 1995 constitution says that all persons have a right to education. Article 34 further states that “A child is entitled to basic education which shall be the responsibility of the state and the parents of the child.” The provisions notwithstanding, fewer than expected children were going to school. So while campaigning for Presidency in 1996, President Museveni noted that there were big numbers of children who were not attending school and/or dropping-out of primary school, largely due to failure by parents to meet education costs. He therefore promised that he would introduce free primary education if elected. Subsequently, the NRM government introduced (UPE) in 1997. Also the building of infrastructure of the road projects that has been over the last 20 years: “One of the major responsibilities for the NRM government is the construction and repair of roads. In order to properly plan for the road network in Uganda, the government formed the National Roads Authority which became functional on July 1st 2008 with the mandate of designing, developing and maintaining the national road network, currently at 20,000 km” (P: 25-32, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Elimination of all forms of corruption in public life: “misuse of power for personal gain”. It’s been passed since 1986 – 8 laws that been passed to secure the system of bribes, corruption and grafts in the country. The NRM government has also put 8 agencies that follow up the corruption in the country (P: 33-34, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Settling the peasants that have been rendered landless by erroneous “development” projects or outright theft of their land through corruption. “The land question has been in Uganda since the colonial times. Several legislations have been passed but they have not done much to solve the question. In the late 90’s and 2000’s, eviction of the so called squatters was so rampant that people always, petitioned the President for assistance”(P: 35, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Encouraging co-operation with other African countries and defending the human and democratic rights of our long-suffering African brothers. “Over the last 25 years, President Museveni has ensured that cordial relationships with other countries are a top priority. Uganda’s foreign policy has been promoted putting in mind other foreign interests and ensuring that other countries do not undermine Uganda’s interests”. The achievement that the NRM government has done by this point is the Tripartite plus Joint Committee with Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda and DRC, Arusha Accord with peace in Burundi, Inter-Governmental Authority Development progress in Sudan and Somalia, EAC where Ugandan interested get a key place and the President involved with the peaceful resolution after the election violence in Kenya. Which is also the biggest trading partner (P: 37, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
- Following an economic strategy of a mixed economy – I.E. Use of state and private sector as well as cooperatives in the development process. “Since coming to power, the NRM government developed programs to address infrastructural and economic challenges” (…)”The vision is that ‘every household in Uganda is able to access basic necessities namely: food, shelter, clothing, health and education for material and social comfort and be able to earn an income”. Also the push and to organize SACCOS and cooperatives to get a mix of business and government (P: 38-42, Poverty Alleviation Department, 2011).
Comment to the Ten-point program:
Point One: “The Movement dispatches vehicles to go around ferrying people to the polling station. Once people goes into the vehicles the buying votes begin (…) To ensure that the people who get the money deliver the votes, they insist that a Movement agent at the station votes on their behalf (…) In some villages like Kyeitembe and Nyakabirizi cows were slaughtered, and everyone who accepted to vote for the Movement was given a kilo of meat” (Kobusingye, 2010, P: 116).
Point two:
Observer commented earlier this year: “A Human Rights Watch report recently claimed that some elements in the Ugandan contingent had sexually abused vulnerable Somali women and girls. The UPDF contested this claim but pledged to investigate. Earlier, The Observer had reported about army officers ‘selling’ places to soldiers seeking to be enlisted for the mission” (Observer, 2014)
(United Nation General Assembly, 2010)
Point three:
Museveni himself has pointed out earlier this year: “Uganda started off her Independence, in 1962, on a very weak foundation. This was, mainly, because of bad politics pushed by opportunistic sectarian groups and manipulated by external interests. The sectarianism, as we have pointed out many times, was based on religion, tribes and gender chauvinism (marginalizing the women). There were only three women that I remember in the Independence Parliament of 1962 to take one example. Within four years of Independence, the then Prime Minister had to abolish the 1962 Constitution because of the contradictions that were getting ever sharper” (Museveni, 2014).
Point four:
Commenting on the political independence: “Richard Nduhura (…) In 2001 he contested for a parliamentary seat against Reform Agenda’s Spencer Tiwomwe. Nduhura’s agents were engaged in gross electoral malpractices, including multiple voting, underage voting, ballot stuffing, and bribery of votes. Nduhura found to have voted for himself twice” (Kobusingye, 2010, P: 118). Hey, it happened in 1961, 50 years later you did the same, why complaining President? And on Economic independence – Al Jazeeras tiny clip is telling the story:
Point five:
(P: 55, National Planning Authority, 2010)
(P: 56, National Planning Authority, 2010).
Point six:
Discussing the points of education and infrastructure let me first address the educational policy. Baryamureeba says: “Uganda needs to consider reforming the education system if we are to focus on skills-development as a country. Primary school education should be reduced to six years and it should focus on setting a solid foundation or building blocks of the child’s education. At primary school level, children should master reading, writing and arithmetic” (…)”Primary school teachers are focusing on terminal national examination instead of imparting these essential skills. There are skills that are necessary at primary school level, but are not examined in the Primary Leaving Examinations (PLE). As a result, teachers focus less on such skills” (…)”All students, who complete primary education should be allowed to seek ordinary level education (O’level). At the end of O’level, students should sit the Uganda Certificate of Education (UCE), which is a national examination” (…)”free education should be provided at primary school and O’level education only. Beyond this stage, education should be optional and the students should meet the costs. The Government needs to stop providing free education beyond Senior Four, because it is neither strategic nor sustainable” (…)”Then Grants Board should have clear guidelines of how these institutions can access funds and to what levels. This would reduce on strikes in these institutions as a result of demanding for more funds from the Government” (Baryamureeba, 2013). On infrastructure study on economic planning and building in Pallisa and Soroti: “The planning of roads should factor in the economic potential of areas as the current system under MoW only considers roads in bad situation. This will improve on accessibility to areas that have identified themselves as economically productive” (..)”The level of funding for roads should be increased both under machine based as well as labour based methods. The latter method was seen to be effective in contributing to income earning opportunities of the local communities which helps government achieve twin objectives of poverty reduction and road provision” (EPRC, December 2010).
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ScFrnTWaRU
Point Seven:
Let mention a few: The Dr. Latigo scandal of 1986 – the Uganda Airlines payoff that made him lose his top position over the airline. Another one was Santana Vehicle Saga in 1988 where the Ministry of Defense wanted ‘Land-Rovers’ but this deal between Uganda and Spain made the deal for Santana’s. They had paid for 260 Land Rovers and not Santana’s so that $6,8m worth Santana’s shipped versus the $8m Land Rovers that the bid was set for(Mugabe, 2013). We also had the CHOGM 2007 the dealings with Mr Mahogany and Mbabazi that there was huge mismanagement of public funds that was we’re meant for the CHOGM 2007. Also the Global Fund 2008 the scandal of drug and malaria. The money went to phony organizations and also take-away money to PMU. Termangalo land scandal the deal between NSSF and Mbabazi that forced the fund to buy the land. The ID Scandal of 2010 where the Government borrowed a lot of money and never kicked off the project (New Vision, 2013).
This shows how little serious the 8 laws and the agencies that supposed to follow the monies that are giving and shared from the government to different entities. So I do think I will comment it further.
Point Eight:
To prove some of the actions of the government that opposes the ideal of Point eight. “Agnes Kirabo, the FRA Coordinator, says there is no need for any apology to Ugandans or the President and that it is the President himself who should be concerned at the spate of the land grabbing vice considering that it is at the heart of failing his Ten Point Programme” (..)”Sources at ULA say that the ministry has in the past investigated their sources of funding and warned them against getting involved with Mubende issues where over 22,000 residents were evicted from their land, their crops destroyed, houses burnt from about 10 villages by security operatives to give way for a plantation forest by UK’s New Forest Company Uganda Limited (NFC) on the orders of President Museveni” (…)”Oxfam and ULA also rattled the government when they released a report indicating that 22,000 were evicted from their land in Mubende. When this reporter travelled to Mubende at the height of the crisis, officials at the Resident District Commissioner’s office which handles the land issues (showing the president direct involvement since RDCs answer mainly to the president) said that Oxfam had done a false report and asked the reporter to go back to Kampala” (…)”FRA, for instance, invited hundreds of peasants who testified about loss of their land to investors, government and army officials. The NGOs launched the land losers’ directory on the same day. The book is intended to document all land losers” (…)”Orombi noted: “UJCC welcomes the ongoing initiative by civil society organisations that have brought together ULA, FRA and UJCC whose main aim is to educate Ugandans on their rights and challenge oppressive systems and structures that have led to unlawful eviction of thousands of Ugandans from lands they have occupied for generations. (…)”But a more contentious one that has already pitted activists against President Museveni is the Amaru eviction of over 10,000-17,000 people from Apar into pabbo sub-county. Although president Museveni has in the past threatened to deal with those who claim that government is behind evictions, increasingly, he is personally directing more and more evictions including this one and the evictees themselves are coming out to criticise him”(Matsiko, 2012).
Point nine:
“In 1983 and 1984, six countries in the Horn of Africa – Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda – took action through the United Nations to establish an intergovernmental body for development and drought control in their region. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government met in Djibouti in January 1986 to sign the Agreement which officially launched IGADD with Headquarters in Djibouti. The State of Eritrea became the seventh member after attaining independence in 1993(IGAD, 2010)”. Somali Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon Saaid commented this: “The Ugandans have contributed significantly and a lot, and this is now a critical moment and in light of that we are of the view, if the media reports turn out to be true, it may be a challenge”. On the same note the Ugandan Foreign Ministry said in a statement: “Uganda’s withdrawal from regional peace efforts, including Somalia, CAR (Central African Republic) etc would become inevitable unless the U.N. corrects the false accusations made against Uganda, by bringing out the truth about Uganda’s role in the current regional efforts” (Biryabarema, 2012). “Ugandans lead a 5,000-soldier strong contingent of African Kony-hunters operating all over central Africa, and their presence in the CAR falls under a continental mandate” (…)”Paddy Ankunda, Seleka were targeted because they have somehow allied themselves with the LRA. “We know we don’t have that mandate but since [Seleka] are in bed with our enemy, we’ll treat them as such,” he said. “Seleka had never tasted our fire. I think it was important that they taste our fire so that they are careful.” (…)”in May, Ugandan foreign minister Sam Kutesa promised the United Nations that his country would contribute 400 peacekeepers to MISCA, the African Union-led peacekeeping force in CAR (in September to become the UN-led MINUSCA)” (…)”Given Uganda’s public description of Seleka as “the enemy”, can Uganda really be trusted to act as a guarantor for peace?” (Allison, 2014).
Point ten:
“President Museveni said that the issue of their remuneration was well appreciated by the Government. However, said that the NRM Government had decided to embark on national development through emphasizing building infrastructure, such as roads, so that they would be used by the population to get homestead income. He stressed that without roads and infrastructure in general, the country cannot grow.“Infrastructure such as roads and electricity were the foundation for development. Having it right in the economy would attract investments that would in turn increase employment opportunities and income generation in the country” (MediaCentre, 2014).
Afterthought:
Now I have been beating every single point of the program. I just had to. Hope it was worth the time put in…I was thinking of adjusting the ten-point program versus Vision2040. But to address it properly would be too long and wouldn’t be sufficient in this form a blog. I sure have more evidence of how the NRM regime hasn’t lived up to the promises of the ten-point program. This is just a cup of tea. So hope it was sweat. Peace.
Links:
Allison, Simon (02.07.2014): ‘Analysis: Uganda sucked into CAR vortex’ Link: http://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2014-07-02-analysis-uganda-sucked-into-car-vortex/#.VHzYfzGG-So
Bayoumy, Yara & Biryabarema, Elias (03.11.2012): ‘Somalia wants Ugandan troops to remain’ – Link: http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/11/03/us-uganda-congo-un-idUSBRE8A207Y20121103
EPRC (December 2010): ‘Public expenditure tracking on road infrastructure in Uganda: The case study of Pallisa and Soroti Districts’ – Economic Policy Research Centre, Uganda
Prof Baryamureeba, Venansius (27.06.2013): ‘Uganda’s education system needs overhaul’, New Vision, Uganda.
Kobusingye, Olive (2010): The Correct Line – Uganda under Museveni, AuthorHouse, Milton Keyes, UK.
Matsiko, Haggai (06.05.2012): ‘Museveni angry over NGO report on land grabbing’, Independent.co.ug, Kampala, Uganda – http://www.independent.co.ug/cover-story/5726-museveni-angry-over-ngo-report-on-land-grabbing
MediaCentre.co.ug (02.08.2014): ‘President Commends Teachers for starting SACCOs’ Link: http://www.mediacentre.go.ug/press-release/president-commends-teachers-starting-saccos#sthash.jCGPrd9A.dpuf
Mugabe, Faustin (24.02.2013): ‘High-profile corruption scandals registered under NRM’ New Vision, Kampala, Uganda.
Museveni, Yoweri (2014): President Museveni’s statement: On the recent attacks by some schemers in Kasese and Bundibugyo, Minbane: https://minbane.wordpress.com/2014/07/08/president-musevenis-statement-on-the-recent-attacks-by-some-schemers-kasese-and-bundibugyo/
National Planning Authority (April – 2010): ‘National Development Plan – 2011/12 – 2014/15’, Kampala, Uganda.
NewVision UG: ‘Nine corruption scandals to look back at’ – Link: http://www.newvision.co.ug/mobile/Detail.aspx?NewsID=637209&CatID=1
IGAD (09.01.2010) – ‘About Us’ – Link: http://igad.int/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=93&Itemid=124
Observer (06.11.2014): ‘UPDF shows the way on discipline’ – http://www.observer.ug/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=34799:updf-shows-the-way-on-discipline&catid=35:editorial&Itemid=61
Poverty Alleviation Department- State House: “Uganda – 25 years of nation building and progress” (Published: May 2011)
United Nation General Assembly – Human Rights Council (19.02.2010) – A/HRC/13/42, Detention Report.
Press Statement: Kenya – 11th Cabinet Meeting held on 2nd December 2014, Statehouse Nairobi
The EFF and the National Assembly of ZA statements – On the suspended of Members of Parliament(MPs)

28 November 2014
The EFF will be approaching the court for an urgent interdict against parliament’s illegal decision to suspend its leadership. Parliament has not issued letters of suspension to the EFF MPs yet, and thus the EFF awaits these letters in order to file court papers. Members of the public shall be kept updated on the developments moving forward.
The EFF reiterates that it shall never apologise for asking Jacob Zuma as to when is he paying back the money. Furthermore, the EFF remains very proud of its MPs for restoring teeth to parliamentary executive oversight. We shall approach the courts because we believe that in front of a sober judge, with no Luthuli mandate, and an uncontrollable ambition for promotion for a ministerial job, our action will be vindicated. The court will confirm that the EFF went through a Kangaroo Court in serious violation of principles of natural justice.
ISSUED BY THE ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS
MBUYISENI QUINTIN NDLOZI (National Spokesperson)
Cell Number: +27 73 133 3012 | +27 (61) 482 6589
Website: http://www.effighters.org.za/
Email: communications@effighters.org.za
Facebook: Mbuyiseni Quintin Ndlozi || Twitter: @EconFreedomZA and @MbuyiseniNdlozi

SUSPENSION, FINE NOTICES SENT TO ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS’ MEMBERS
Parliament, Friday 28 November 2014 – Letters of suspension and notices of fines were sent today to members of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) found guilty of contempt of Parliament.
This follows the adoption by the National Assembly (NA) yesterday of the report of the Powers and Privileges Committee on the hearing into allegations of conduct constituting contempt of Parliament by Members of the NA.
The hearing, led by independent initiator Mr Randall van Voore, was held following the disruption of NA proceedings on 21 August, during President Jacob Zuma’s oral reply session in the House.
Six members of the EFF – Mr F Shivambu, Mr P Ramakatsa, Mr J Malema, Ms K Litchfield-Tshabalala, Mr G Gardee and Mr M Ndlozi – were suspended for 30 days with no pay.
Another six EFF Members were suspended for 14 days without pay – Ms E Louw, Ms R Mashabela, Ms O Maxon, Ms M Moonsamy, Mr A Mngxitama and Mr N Matiase.
Eight EFF Members were each fined an amount equivalent to 14 days’ salary and allowances – Mr B Joseph, Mr S Mbatha, Mr Z Morapela, Ms S Khawula, Ms A Matshobeni, Ms V Nqweniso, Ms P Ntobongwana and Ms P Sonti.
The suspensions take effect from today. The 30 days’ suspensions expire on 28 December and the 14 days’ suspensions expire on 12 December.
Suspended members are prohibited from entering Parliament or from participating in any activity of Parliament or its committees without written permission of the Speaker. They are also not entitled to any allowances under the Remuneration of Public Office Bearers Act for the duration of their suspensions.
ISSUED BY THE PARLIAMENT OF THE RSA




















