Opinion: Post-Kiggundu – The brutal truth about the new Electoral Commission in Uganda

Uganda EC Wall

No matter who get appointed or picked as long as the His Excellency President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni is in charge and the Commander in Chief. So as long as he is there, his decrees and orders will matter. So the results and the final say are in the hands of the President. He will not care what the locals of Karamoja votes or the ones in Mbarara, what matters is what is needed for the Movement and in the end him!

The Electoral Commission under the Dr. Badru Kiggundu has been a useful tool for the regime. He has used all kind of ways to get the results that we’re needed. Also all kind of explanation to avoid the reasoning or even trying to shuffle the defence as the relevant laws to sustain the needed excuse to exhaust the courts. This has been done as the Opposition has questioned the legality and the just behaviour of the Electoral Commission.

The all of sudden 100% in counties, the ghost voters, the unregistered voters showing up and the moving of place of voting for the citizens, the lack of delivery of ballots and equipment to key areas. This has been tactics as well as fixing the elections into the schedule of the Movement. Free and fair was never important for the President as long as his loyal men and woman we’re plated and sent to Parliament. Or his loyal men and woman elected through the Resistance Councils and the Local Government positions as Local Councillors and such.

This will not change as the appropriate men and woman is not in circle of the new Electoral Commission. The cleared name from the President is more loyal men and woman who want to eat of the Presidents hand. They want to eat and are hungry like the rest of the MPs who has cars and no income tax. The same level is what the EC commissioner’s wants and therefore wants to be hired. So they can live in mansions and have government perks that citizens don’t get.

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So no matter who is put up in the Movement and who they want to appoint will be working for the President and his elite. The regime will not change their pattern even if Badru Kiggundu is out of the picture. Will just be a new face that will eat the same level of crap.

The reality is that the names put forward now by the President is his loyal cadres, they are not bi-partisan or even becoming of people who the citizens can trust. That is for the same reason as the ones before, they will be the loyalists for the pay-check of the President; they will not be there for people. They are just useful props for the President to get his fake-elections and votes when needed, but not something he cares deeply about. If he did he would have set in place systems where the people wasn’t starving and had water-irrigation to secure the harvest even in dry season. He has 30 years, but hasn’t left much behind because what he has is fragmented and eaten by his ego. Therefore the EC will be marked of his loyalist, not of the ones who is best for nation, but who is the best for the “only man with a vision”. Peace.

UNSC November 2016 on the South Sudan and the continued crisis!

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The United Nations Security Council have delivered a letter and also two statements on the situation and the level of crisis in the Republic of South Sudan. This is happening as the UNSC are discussing the mandate of United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS). The problem is continuation of the flaring skirmishes in July 2016.

The UNSC are now looking into crisis and fixing the lax mandate or the issues with the peacekeepers in the nation. This has to happen as the UNMISS has already come under scrutiny for their acts around the UN House in and around Juba. The proven skirmishes and the evidence of what went down and also what has gone on since. Also the interesting who has exported the arms to the Republic; which has given the fighting armies the needed ammunition and weapons to continue to fighting each other.

Mr. Mohamad of Sudan said this:

“The Cooperation Agreement laid a solid foundation for normalizing relations between the Sudan and South Sudan, enhancing cooperation in all areas between the two and achieving sustained peace. It covered the areas of oil resources, trade, borders, security arrangements, the status of citizens and other themes. However, our brothers in South Sudan have so far been enthusiastic only about the implementation of the oil agreement. They have overlooked the implementation of other agreements, particularly the Agreement on Security Arrangements between the Republic of the Sudan and the Republic of South Sudan, which includes provisions on ending the support for, and the harbouring of, rebel movements, the establishment of the Safe Demilitarized Border Zone and the establishment of the Joint Border Verification and Monitoring Mechanism (JBVMM)” (…) “On the deployment of the oil police in the Diffra oil complex, my delegation reaffirms the need for such a step, as the joint Abyei police has not yet been established. Another reason is that there are Sudanese rebel movement groups in South Sudan that can target those vital installations. That force is limited both in number and equipment” (UNSC 7810, 2016).

Mr. Malok of South Sudan said this:

“Cooperation between the two countries is crucial to any constructive and productive efforts in Abyei. Indeed, even the progress made by UNISFA could not have been possible without a degree of functional cooperation by the Governments of the Sudan and South Sudan. However, much more cooperation is needed if the efforts of UNISFA are to continue to bear tangible fruits that will benefit the two communities and help to facilitate continued improvement in the relations between the two countries” (…) “It is noteworthy that, as the report of the Secretary-General observes, the restrictions imposed by the Government of the Sudan on non-governmental organizations have limited the implementation capacity of humanitarian and development actors, especially in the northern parts of Abyei. As the Secretary-General also notes, in addition to a lack of adequate funds, other challenges include high implementation costs owing to security and logistical constraints, delays in the issuance of travel permits and restrictions on the movement of personnel and supplies by the Government of the Sudan.” (UNSC 7810, 2016).

Context:

“The armed opposition to Kiir’s regime is an increasingly multifaceted amalgam of forces encompassing dissident groups with diverse grievances, aims and approaches to the war. Many of these groups are either not under the direct control of SPLM/A in Opposition led by Machar, which was a party to the Agreement, or are only loosely affiliated with it. Nevertheless, Machar’s resilience, notwithstanding the government attempts to assassinate him in greater Equatoria, has seemingly provided more motivation for Equatorian armed elements to associate formally with SPLM/A in Opposition. The perception that the belligerence of Kiir’s Dinka-dominated regime is leading the country inexorably towards a devastating tribal war, coupled with a sense that the international community is failing to take the steps necessary to avoid a further escalation of the conflict, are providing impetus among non-Dinka opposition political and military forces towards greater coordination, if not complete organizational unity” (UNSC letter, P: 3, 2016).

“The SPLA Chief of General Staff, Paul Malong, remains a central figure in the perpetuation and expansion of the war, including the conflict in greater Equatoria, described in detail below. After the fighting in Juba in July, he oversaw the operation to hunt down Machar and the SPLM/A in Opposition forces in Central Equatoria” (…) “The extension of the war continues to pose an increasingly grave threat to the countries that neighbour South Sudan. For example, after a long series of skirmishes between SPLA and SPLM/A in Opposition in Central and Western Equatoria after Machar fled from Juba in July, Machar and some 750 soldiers and civilians entered the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Panel has confirmed that, on 13 August, SPLA then launched an incursion into the Democratic Republic of the Congo. An estimated 800 to 900 SPLA troops from Division VI crossed the border and engaged in a battle with SPLM/A in Opposition. On 17 August, two MI-24 helicopters also crossed the border, travelling nearly 6 km into Congolese territory and again attacking SPLM/A in Opposition positions” (UNSC letter, P: 6-7, 2016).

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Arms dealings:

“In a meeting with the Panel on 28 September, the First Vice-President, Taban Deng Gai, refuted the presence of L-39 jets in South Sudan, which the Panel had documented with supporting evidence, including photographs and eyewitness accounts, in its report to the Security Council that month” (…) “The Panel has been provided with preliminary information on the weapons that the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo took from the combatants who accompanied Machar into the Democratic Republic of the Congo in August 2016. The sources of the weapons are consistent with those previously documented by the Panel as having been procured in South Sudan, both before and after independence, including weapons and ammunition manufactured in the Sudan, China, the United States of America, Israel and various Eastern European countries” (…) “One weapon of note among the arms documented is a Micro Galil rifle manufactured by Israel Weapon Industries, bearing serial number 36100549. This is the third weapon of its type identified by the Panel, with two others (serial numbers 36100566 and 36100588) having been documented in Upper Nile in 2015. Each of the weapons was, according to interviews with SPLM/A in Opposition members, taken from South Sudanese government stocks either through battlefield capture or by defectors. According to information provided to the Panel by the manufacturer, as noted in the Panel’s report of January 2016 (S/2016/70), the three weapons are from a batch sold to the Ministry of Defence of Uganda in 2007. There is no provision in the end user certificate for their transfer to South Sudan” (…) “In September, the Panel received information from Spain regarding weapon trafficking to South Sudan that the Spanish police had obtained as part of a continuing investigation into money-laundering and racketeering. The information details communications between an arms trafficking network based in Europe and the leadership of SPLM/A in Opposition in 2014, in which the latter had requested the delivery, through an intermediary in Senegal, of an extensive list of small arms, munitions and light weapons. Further investigations by the Panel suggest that this shipment was at least partially delivered” (…) “Also in September, the Panel received information and documentation from a confidential high-level South Sudanese source that, in July 2014, a shipment of small arms ammunition and 4,000 assault rifles had been delivered by Bulgarian Industrial Engineering and Management to the Ministry of Defence of Uganda. According to the documentation, Bosasy Logistics, a company registered in Kampala and described in previous reports by the Panel, including its report of January 2016 (S/2016/70), acted as an intermediary in the transaction. The weapons and munitions were subsequently transferred to South Sudan. While the Panel is further investigating this transaction, it notes that recent arms transfers from Uganda to South Sudan, as described in its report of September 2016 (S/2016/793), are likely to be using the same modality as the earlier transfers from 2014, with Bosasy Logistics and its Chairman, Valerii Copeichin, facilitating the sales” (…) “The Panel has received multiple reports from various sources of arms shipments entering South Sudan by road through Uganda and by airlift to Juba and Wau since May. The content, according to two high-level sources with knowledge of the operations, was small arms and light weapons, ammunition and armoured vehicles. The Panel is in possession of a contract signed by SPLA in May 2015 for the provision of Panthera armoured vehicles valued at $7,187,500.50 The company contracted to provide the vehicles, Egypt and Middle East for Development, was represented by an Egyptian national, Mohamed Atta Jad. The company is registeredin Cairo.51 The Panel is investigating the possible connection between this contract and the recent airlifts to South Sudan” (UNSC letter, P: 18-20, 2016)

Budget:

“The Panel obtained data indicating that projected State budget expenditure for the 2016/17 fiscal year would exceed revenue by 149 per cent.62 Consequently, the government has laid out a proposal for financial austerity and external borrowings, which incorporates recommendations made by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) after its mission of May. The Chair of the Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission, in his address to the Commission on 19 October, said the following: “We commend the TGNU for the work that has gone into creating an ambitious budget, which has been commended by many analysts. Strong constraints on expenditures are central to the budget and a condition for stabilization.” Progress towards the implementation of this strategy will indicate the government’s seriousness in addressing the macroeconomic crisis” (…) “The draft budget for the fiscal year 2016/17 is estimated to be 22.3 billion South Sudanese pounds, half of which is allocated to the security sector” (…) “Revenue for the 2016/17 budget was calculated on the basis of oil production of 120,000 barrels per day, which is the lowest rate of extraction since December 2013. There is no indication that Deng Gai’s efforts in August to renegotiate the pipeline and transfer fees with Khartoum were successful, meaning that South Sudan will continue to pay $24.1 per barrel in fees to the Sudan, undercutting the revenue of the budget owing to volatile oil prices. The oil industry also shows no signs of recovery to the pre-war levels; the Unity fields were disabled in the early months of the war, and the continuing conflict will make it difficult to launch the long and technologically complicated process of restarting oil production” (UNSC letter, P: 23, 2016).

This here is lots of interesting collected information that usually would be left behind and not for-told to the media and the press, as even the press is suppressed in the South Sudan. As the Eye Radio and others has gotten harassed by the TGoNU. They don’t want the news of conflict spread and the initial reports from the nation. Peace.

Reference:

United Nation Security Council 7810th Meeting (15.11.2016)

UNSC – ‘S/2016/963: Letter dated 15 November 2016 from the Panel of Experts on South Sudan established pursuant to Security Council resolution 2206 (2015) addressed to the President of the Security Council’ (15.11.2016)

 

RDC: L’Assemblee Pleniere du Conseil Superieur de l’Audiovisuel et de la Communication (CSAC) – (17.11.2016)

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Statsbudsjett 2017: Budsjettkrise, eller ikke?

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Staten Norge er styrt via proxy eller av Regjerningen i Statsråd som må på høring, om enn i ikke allerede har flertall for kunne få igjennom de lover, reguleringer eller de budsjett de måtte ønske eller vil ha.

Det Høyre og FrP med Erna Solberg som Statsminister og Siv Jensen som Finansminister har glemt at de regjerer ikke alene. De er ikke som Arbeiderpartiet i gamle dager som faktisk hadde flertall og ikke trengte å lytte til støttepartier, men dagens realiteter så er det faktisk slik.

Høyre og FrP må lytte til det evinnelige på KrFs Knut Arild Hareide eller Venstres Trine Skei Grande, fordi de er regjering fordi de er støtte av disse. Om det så er så må alle saker gå igjennom Stortinget og høringer før endelige vedtak. Dette vil forsinke en del prosesser og saksgang. Som gjør at budsjettet ferdigstilt vil ta lengre tid enn det allerede har tatt.

FrP og deres utspill har ikke hjulpet deres sak der de dedikere alle problemer og kommer med ultimatum, når de ikke skjønner at de trenger KrF og Venstre mer enn støttepartiene trenger dem. Selv om de har titlene og rollene i Stortinget, så har de disse på tillit fra både egne velgere og de som stemte på støttepartiene. En skrinlegging av dette fundamentet ville være å blott gi opp demokratiske prinsipper og akterutseile hele den Norske Parlamentariske modellen.

Budsjettet som legger frem bør være på kompromiss mellom alle partiene og må gi vei til at støttepartiene får sine kampsaker. Hvorfor skulle de ellers støtte regjeringssamarbeidet om Høyre i skjul har jobbet for Oljeutvinning i Lofoten? Eller hvorfor skulle de støtte en FrP om de bare gir skattekutt til Amerikanske bensinslukere?

Da kunne vi likeså godt bare sett om de fikk gjennomslag på høringer og avstemninger istedenfor i lukkede rom i regjeringskvartalet hvor de har likt seg godt i 3 år nå. Der Venstre og KrF ikke har fått mye gjennomslag med tanke på hva som har gått tapt med å støtte denne regjeringen. Som vakler fremover med slite seil og uten en definert kurs. Ikke noe Soria Moria eller Norske Hus, ei heller slukke branner ettersom de kommer.

Vi får håpe det blir en enighet som er gunstig som er nyttig for alle de prioriteringene som trengs for at vår velferd og sikkert skal være ivaretatt, at det er nødvendige til helse og infrastruktur, samtidig som det er investert i fremtiden bærekraftige industrier og forskning slik at vi kan finne nye former for inntjening som fremtidens budsjett kan nyte godt av. Selv om jeg tviler det siste, det er kostbart og sanker ikke stemmer. De gjør derimot prestisje-prosjekt som ferjefri E39 og annet viderverdigheter som ikke akkurat skaper mye vekts i næringene som trenger støtte.

Uansett om det blir forordnet og justert innen fristen søndag er ikke lett å vite, selv om FrP både i Statsråd og Regjering bør begynne å ydmyke seg litt. De er altfor breie og arrogante ovenfor kollegaer, da passer sikkert deres ønske målgruppe av velgere, men for resterende er det grotesk hvordan man oppfører seg. Der en utenom forum både med og uten Statsminister på sin side, kommer med bastante ultimatum til pressen og dette uten å forhandle dette på reelle vilkår. Skittentøysvasken burde være internt mellom Høyre og FrP, resten burde bli tatt i mellom hverandre, fordi dette virker uproft av Regjerningen og FrPs eget apparat rundt Stortinget.

Det eneste positive er at uansett hvordan budsjett så vil vi i disse Vipps og bankkort tider få nye sedler å betale smøret på butikken:

«Norges Bank setter sin nye seddelserie i sirkulasjon i tre omganger. 100- og 200-kroneseddelen er de to første valørene som blir lansert, og de blir tidligst satt i sirkulasjon i andre kvartal 2017. Deretter tar det ca. ett år før 50- og 500-kroneseddelen gis ut i løpet av andre kvartal 2018. Til slutt blir 1000-kroneseddelen satt i sirkulasjon innen utgangen av 2019» (Strongpoint AS – ‘Når kommer de nye sedlene?’ link: http://www.psigroup.no/psi/nye-pengesedler-i-norge/nar-kommer-de-nye-sedlene/).

Slik at vi kan vite at det eksisterer fortsatt noe av det gamle, bare i ny former, akkurat som budsjettet hvor øre-merkinger og prioriteringer til de som vår regjering ser nødvendig eller ønskelig. Om dette er en Snekke-Avgift eller muligheter for høyere fortjeneste på kreditt-kort det er opp til dagens regjering.

Peace.

Statement attributable to the Spokesman for the Secretary-General on the Democratic Republic of the Congo [scroll down for the French version] (17.11.2016)

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The Secretary-General takes note of the appointment of Mr. Samy Badibanga as Prime Minister ahead of the formation of a transitional government of national unity in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), in line with the political agreement of 18 October.

The Secretary-General welcomes this first concrete step in the implementation of the political agreement, which is expected to culminate in the holding of credible elections in the country. He calls on the Government to be formed by Prime Minister Badibanga to create a climate conducive to upholding the fundamental rights and freedoms essential to political debate and credible, inclusive elections, as called for in Security Council resolution 2277 (2016).

The Secretary-General welcomes the mediation efforts led by the Conférence épiscopale du Congo (CENCO) and calls on political groups that did not sign the political agreement to remain engaged and work towards the peaceful resolution of their differences. He further calls on all political actors to continue working in good faith and in a spirit of compromise towards a political solution that paves the way for peaceful, credible, inclusive and timely elections in the DRC, in keeping with the Constitution and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.

The Secretary-General thanks Prime Minister Augustin Matata Ponyo for his leadership over the last four years and looks forward to working with the Government led by Prime Minister Badibanga.

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Déclaration attribuable au Porte-parole du Secrétaire général sur la République démocratique du Congo

Le Secrétaire général prend note de la nomination de M. Samy Badibanga au poste de Premier ministre en vue de la formation d’un gouvernement d’unité nationale de transition en République démocratique du Congo (RDC), conformément à l’accord politique du 18 octobre.

Le Secrétaire général se félicite de cette première mesure concrète prise dans le cadre de la mise en œuvre de l’accord politique qui devrait mener à la tenue d’élections crédibles dans le pays. Il encourage le gouvernement qui sera formé par le Premier ministre Badibanga à créer un climat propice au respect des libertés et droits fondamentaux essentiels au débat politique et à des élections crédibles et inclusives, comme le prévoit la résolution 2277 (2016) du Conseil de sécurité.

Le Secrétaire général se félicite de la médiation menée par la Conférence épiscopale du Congo (CENCO) et appelle les groupes politiques qui n’ont pas signé l’accord politique à rester engagés et à travailler à la résolution de leurs différends de manière pacifique. Il appelle en outre tous les acteurs politiques à continuer à œuvrer de bonne foi et dans un esprit de compromis en vue d’une solution politique ouvrant la voie à des élections pacifiques, crédibles, inclusives et dans les meilleurs délais en RDC, conformément à la Constitution et à la Charte africaine de la démocratie, des élections et de la gouvernance.

Le Secrétaire général remercie le Premier ministre Augustin Matata Ponyo pour son leadership au cours des quatre dernières années et se réjouit de travailler avec le gouvernement dirigé par le Premier ministre Badibanga.

New York, le 17 novembre 2016

Kizza Besigye’s document on Police ‘Acknowledgement of Prisoner’s Property’ (16.11.2016)

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RDC: The Easiest Policy by H.E. Joseph Kabila! (17.11.2016)

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Mitt brev til Minister Sylvi Listhaug, ta deg en charter-ferie til Kandahar!

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Kjære Sylvi Listhaug…

Du lager det ikke lett for deg selv, med denne populismen, feminismen og altetende-ismene som er der ute.

At en kan kritisere FrPere er fy-fy, bare se på kommentar-feltene i de største avisene. Der alle angrep på alle andre blir verifisert og godkjent, mens de andre skal godta at slike som Nesheim, Tybring-Gjedde og Njåstad. De kan karikere andre mennesker og det kan også du Listhaug, men om vi karikere dere og beskriver deres fremtoning så er vi automatisk: eliten, sosialister, feminister, neo-liberale skjærer osv.

Vi har rett til å kritisere deg Listhaug og det bør også dine tilhengere forstå, fordi de kritisere alle som ikke tenker likt med dem og viser null-toleranse for andre dem selv. Det er sikkert fordi selv ser selv igjen i ditt speilbilde i offentligheten. Der du sprader perfekt rundt. Prater fagre ord og legger ut brutale innlegg på egen blogg og på facebook for å likes. Det er så vakkert og så engasjerende!

De nidkjære i det hele er de tanker og de komplekse situasjoner du prøver å vinne gunst blant dine egne, fru Listhaug. Der du viser til at det er bra at mindreårige asylsøkere som har levde kanskje flere år i riket, blir nå endelig tatt fra hus og hjem i mulm og mørke for å bli deportert til Afghanistan. Shang-ri-la av Østen: hvor alle reiser på Charter-ferie, spesielt til byen Kandahar og Qalad. Du burde kanskje reise dit og vise hvor trygt det er med skuddsikkervest, svær tanks og sammen med blå-hjelmede fredsbevarende styrker? Hadde ikke det vært fint, litt som når du hoppet ut i ostepopp-kostymet i Middelhavet tidligere i år. Du hadde kanskje endte på John Oliver på HBO igjen!

Jeg vet at du kunne tenkte deg en charterferie til Afghanistan, i varmen og ly mellom skudd og sult. Det hadde vært perfekt. Du hadde ikke hatt lyst til å flykte fra et land som har jevnlig vært invadert eller hatt intern borgerkrig siden 1970-tallet. Det er stabilt rike og nasjon, du kan ikke skjønne hvorfor folk flykter derifra. Du trodde de flyktet fordi de ikke fikk utdannelse eller jobbe i First-House for Rema 1000 som lobbyist. Ja, det skal ikke være lett.

Ja du Listhaug, i disse dager om ved mulighet så vil du sikkert også søke lykken med å være glad for å sende hjem mennesker som har flyktet fra Somalia, hvor Etiopiske styrker har trukket seg ut, to føderale stater har angrepet hverandre om territoriale landområder selv etter fredsforhandlinger i Abu Dhabi. Der Kenya har tatt visse landområder for sikkerhet for sine egne nasjonale grenser og hvor AMISOM okkuperer visse områder, men nasjonale hæren trenes av fredstyrker etter økonomisk tilskudd fra EU. Dette landet som har hatt intern konflikt siden Said Barre, også siden 1970-tallet må være ansett som trygt.

Vil ikke du reise på Charter-ferie til Mogadishu, slikke solen, se skudd-hullene over sengemalmen i det fallitte hotellet og tenke over om i dag er trygt å gå på markedet eller om jeg burde ta første rutefly til Nairobi. Det hadde vært så fint. Ellers så kunne du tatt lokal-transport til Kismaayo og diskutere chapati priser med Kenyanske tropper der. Eller reise i Galdumuug til Hobyo beach, midt i mellom konflikten til Galmudug og Puntland. Det må sette så spiss på ferien.

Listhaug, jeg kan ikke forstå hvordan du ville bruke små barn som har flyktet krigssoner som click-bait som måter for å få sympati for din sak. Som er at innvandrere ikke fortjener norsk sikkerhet eller bli boende i Norge. Fordi dette er bare for Nordmenn, som er som deg, Listhaug.

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Så en liten del av meg ville gjerne startet et Crowdfunding prosjekt der en bruker de innsamlede midlene på gi deg en smak uten skuddsikkervest i Kandahar eller Qalad, der du ikke vil være sikker innen elite-hotellene i Kabul eller ved demilitariserte soner rundt hovedstaden, men istedenfor oppholde deg blant kvinneskoler og annet for å kanskje forstå hvorfor de er utrygt der. Fordi jeg tror ikke som sagt at dette er områder som frister deg like mye mentalt som weekend tur som London eller Praha. Akkurat som jeg tviler på at vår kjære minister ville ha tatt heisa-tur til Bangui for å sjekke temperaturen nær ekvator. Det er til det fredelige landet Sentral Afrikanske Republic (Central African Republic –C.A.R). Der kan du hilse på Lord Resistance Army (LRA) om du er heldig!

Så du så stolt, rakrygget og for å få politisk oppslutning vil du synke så lavt å sende tilbake barn og deres familier tilbake krigssoner, slik at du kan få populistiske stemmer til kommende valg. Du må være stolt og sprek, med lite frykt og spesielt lite empati for de skjebner du ødelegger for. For de mennesker du gjør til fiender og de mennesker du spiller politisk mynt på. Du Listhaug må ha skjønt så enormt konsekvensen av dine handlinger og ønsker. At du vil stå til ansvar og i skadefryd tjene politisk-kapital på disse asylsøkerne.

Så kjære deg, ta på deg ostepopp-kostymet, spill falitt med disse medmenneskene, “rigge” Møre- og Romsdals valgkrets slik at du blir første-kandidat, men ikke forvent at mennesker som meg har respekt for dine nedlatende og nedverdige opptreden. For så lenge man har fredsbevarende styrker, så lenge det er intern-konflikt og så lenge det er mennesker på flukt fra nasjonene, burde den Norske stat tenke seg to-ganger, kanskje tre før en sender tilbake mennesker og særskilt barn som er tredje-part til all konflikt som er skapt av oss voksne mennesker.

Det siste før jeg slutter, vil jeg ønske deg fin Charter-Ferie til Kandahar og gjerne ta bilde med den jevne soldat og kanskje også en selfie med den lokale stammeleder som har større våpen enn du har positivt budskap. Peace.

Zimbabwe: Effects of drought linger in rural areas, aggravate urban vulnerability (17.11.2016)

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Harare, 17 November 2016El Niño-induced drought has led to a serious surge in food insecurity and hunger affecting 40 million people across the southern Africa region. Zimbabwe, one of the countries most affected, is in the midst of the worst drought in 25 years that is projected to affect 5.2 million people including 1.1 million urban dwellers during the first quarter of 2017.

Addressing some 150 participants at the 4 th national multi-stakeholders consultative meeting jointly convened by the Office of the President and Cabinet and the UN System in Zimbabwe today in Harare, the UN Resident Coordinator Bishow Parajuli said, “As we approach the peak hunger period of the lean season, inadequate funding to the humanitarian response plan will not only curtail the ongoing relief efforts to increase assistance to the most vulnerable in the rural settlements and scale-up assistance in urban areas but also risks reversing the gains made in the development and humanitarian areas thus far.”

Of the $352 million being sought under the Humanitarian Response Plan (April 2016-March 2017), nearly $212 million has been committed, with the current funding gap at $140 million. The committed financial and in kind relief support has allowed the UN and NGOs to reach approximately 1.7 million vulnerable people in over 42 districts with food, cash, agricultural inputs and other lifesaving relief assistance.

The committed resource includes the recently announced additional £40 million by DFID.

Announcing the additional boost which brings the total contribution by the Government of the UK to £55.6 million, Annabel Gerry Head of DFID Zimbabwe said, “The additional support from DFID will provide mobile cash payments to 360,000 vulnerable people up until end of March 2017; cover the cost of screening of 160,000 children for malnutrition; and the cost of treatment for over 12,000 children.”

The ongoing relief response has also been made possible by the generous contributions from USAID, EU-ECHO, the Netherlands, Japan, Australia, Sweden, Canada, Switzerland, Germany, Ireland and Denmark. The BRICS nations and others have also supported the relief efforts, including bilateral contributions from China, India and Brazil.

Expressing deep gratitude and appreciation for the generous support from donors, the UN Resident Coordinator said, “sectors such as water, hygiene, and sanitation; education; and protection remain severely underfunded, threatening the country’s hard-won development gains made in these areas over the years.”

The fourth national multi-stakeholder consultative meeting underlined the importance of the drought response to be consistently guided by the universal humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence.

Senior Principal Director, Office of the President and Cabinet, Mr. O. E. M. Hove said, “Government has made all efforts to import and set a buffer stock of maize to ensure that no citizen starves irrespective of one’s political or other affiliations.” Mr. Hove appreciated the generous support from humanitarian and development partners that are complementing Government’s efforts in response to the prevailing humanitarian challenges and called on all partners to stay the course.

Noting the need to continue and increase joint response to the pressing effects of the worst drought, stakeholders agreed to recalibrate their efforts towards resilience-building, provision of quality social services and protection programmes to ensure strong linkages and eventual transition of those affected by drought to recovery, medium and long-term sustainable development.

Reiterating on the call to planning for the future with focus on building resilience, Mr. Hove said, “to this end the Government of Zimbabwe is implementing a special programme to ensure food security targeting to produce at least two million metric tonnes of maize grain on 400,000ha of which 200,000ha will be irrigated.”

Today’s national multi-stakeholders consultative meeting follows two successful Provincial Drought Response Consultative meetings held in Bulawayo and Harare at the end of September and beginning of November, respectively. The provincial meetings allowed partners to adopt harmonized relief response approach across the Government, UN and NGOs managed assistance for improved targeting, registration, distribution, monitoring and accountability.

Media Contact: Sirak Gebrehiwot, UN Communications Specialist, E-mail: sirak.gebrehiwot@one.un.org;

Cell #: +263 772 198 036

Congo signs over potential $880m of royalties in Glencore project to offshore company belonging to friend of Congolese President (14.11.2016)

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