Eritrea: UNSC Monitoring Report proves clear evidence of continued support of Armed Opposition-Groups in Ethiopia and Djibouti
I had to write about this today, for the simple reason apologists who has defended Eritrea and attacked the Monitoring Report from the United Nations Security Council Monitoring Team for the UN following the resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009). This is after the proof before of violations on Human Rights and crimes against Humanity in the Republic of Eritrea. Together with controlled Centralized Government under the President Isias Afweki, who has showed he doesn’t care about accountability and transparency as he controls all economy. There are reports of no-budget for the state for years.
So the Asmara Government and their apologist, if you want my support at all; please drop something worthwhile, your silence and attacks on multi-national institutions make you sound whiny and not smart. Just like the ones fighting against the sanctions because of no-connections over the last three monitoring periods between Eritrea and Al-Shabaab, but still… they are supporting other military groups, who are training and getting help in Eritrean territory. That should silence the ones who wants to defend the Asmara regime. Here are the important pieces of the UNSC Monitoring Report of 31st October 2016!
Arms to Eritrea countering the Arms Embargo:
“Military equipment has also been transferred onto Eritrean territory. The Monitoring Group analysed satellite imagery captured between April and May 2016, which shows the presence of tanks and artillery, including what appear to be AMX Leclerc main battle tanks, G6 self-propelled howitzers and BMP-3 amphibious infantry fighting vehicles (see annex 4). By September 2016, according to satellite data analysis, most of the vehicles appeared to have vacated the airport compound” (…) “If the range of support provided by Eritrea to the regional coalition, including as described above, constitutes either a direct or an indirect transfer of prohibited material to or from Eritrea or an exchange of military assistance, it would be a violation of the arms embargo. It could be reasonably determined, for example, that Member State support for the construction of permanent military installations in Eritrea constitutes the provision of technical assistance, training, financial and other assistance relating to military activities” (…) “It was claimed that the trainers had been housed at government villas near the Alla Scala Hotel in Asmara. It was also asserted that this was the second team of Ukrainian experts to arrive in Eritrea during the year; the first group, according to the article, had arrived in Asmara in February 2016 and been given training on the maintenance of old — and the installation of new — radar equipment” (UNSC, P: 11, 13, 2016).
Supporting Military Groups:
“For its third concurrent mandate, the Monitoring Group has found no firm evidence of Eritrean support for the Somali Islamist group Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujaahidiin. The Group has, however, continued to find consistent evidence of Eritrean support for armed groups operating in both Ethiopia and Djibouti. It is clear that Eritrea continues to harbour anti-Ethiopian armed groups, including the newly remodelled Patriotic Ginbot” (UNSC, P: 3, 2016).
Tigray People’s Democratic Movement:
“The defection of the former Chair of TPDM, Mola Asgedom, along with an unconfirmed number of fighters loyal to him, had a significant impact on the capacity of TPDM fighters remaining in Eritrea to conduct attacks against Ethiopian interests. Reports received by the Group indicate that TPDM is growing increasingly fragmented. On 6 August 2016, the Group interviewed Mola Asgedom in Addis Ababa” (…) “He said that he had been promoted to Chair of TPDM in 2008 and since conducted attacks against the Ethiopian armed forces in the Tigray and Afar regions of northern Ethiopia. He discussed the support provided by Colonel Fitsum Yishak, also known as “Lenin”, including the planning of operations, the monthly provision of ERN 450,000 (approximately $30,000 at the official exchange rate as at September 2016) and the supply of weapons. He also claimed to have engaged with Brigadier General Abraha Kassa during his tenure as Chair. He claimed that, while he was Chair, TPDM had had offices in Asmara, Dekemhare, Massawa and Teseney and units in most border towns” (UNSC P: 15-16, 2016).
“Ginbot Sebat has since merged with the Patriotic Front to establish the Patriotic Ginbot , with Berhanu Nega as its Chair, and on 11 August 2016 was understood to have signed a memorandum of understanding with the Oromo Democratic Front” (…) “Ginbot Sebat claimed responsibility for an attack in which 20 Ethiopian soldiers were killed in Arba Minch, southern Ethiopia, in May 2016, demonstrating the group’s ability to conduct attacks well beyond the contested border regions. The Ethiopian authorities were swift to discredit the claims, however, announcing that their counter-terrorism units had foiled the attack and captured those who surrendered” (UNSC, P:17-18, 2016).
Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy:
“On 25 March 2016, multiple media agencies published a resolution following the first congress of the Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy, held in Asmara, incorporating the Benishangul People’s Liberation Movement, the Gambela People’s Liberation Movement, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, the Oromo Liberation Front and the Sidama National Liberation Front. According to the resolution, “the alliance is determined to uproot the current oppressive minority regime in order to safeguard and advance peoples’ rights to exercising genuine self-determination” (UNSC, P: 19, 2016).
Front pour la restauration de l’unité et de la démocratie:
“the Group asserted that Eritrea had offered bases, training, arms and equipment to an armed group associated with elements of the splintered Djiboutian opposition Front pour la restauration de l’unité et de la démocratie (FRUD), FRUD-Combattant (FRUD-C) or FRUD-Armé, since 2008” (…) “FRUD has publicly claimed responsibility for attacks on Djiboutian soil during the current mandate. On 6 February, two Djiboutian gendarmes, Zakaria Ismail and Mossa Bahdon Farah, were killed in a shoot-out on Lake Assal with armed elements who, according to a press release from the Ministry of the Interior, had come from across the border in Eritrea” (…) “On 1 October 2015, the leader of FRUD, Mohamed Kadamy, issued a press statement from Geneva in which he announced the group’s responsibility for the burning of three vehicles at Marawaleh in Tadjourah on 30 September 2015. The vehicles belonged to the construction company building the Tadjourah/Randa/Balho road. He claimed that the vehicles had been used to provide logistical support for an “offensive by the government army” between 11 and 13 September 2015 that had seen attacks on civilians, but that FRUD had repulsed. He sent a message to the company stating that FRUD would not permit the company to assist the army in the future” (UNSC, P: 20-21, 2016).
My 2 Cents:
If this wasn’t interesting, wasn’t giving you insights into structures that Eritrea supports and how they deal with neighbours, show with the support of military groups that creates havoc in Ethiopia and Djibouti. Something that apparently is wished from the Asmara Government… So the Eritrean if they harbour these sorts of military groups that attacks neighbour countries and oppose their regimes.
Eritrea cannot run away from this and also the apologist who tries to defend the Asmara Government… and at this point that is vicious with their track-record, little or non-existing accountability, transparency and massive overload of human rights violations and crimes against humanity. That has come out before and showed by the evidence and records of the diaspora as the Eritrean doesn’t want internal interference. Something they fear. Peace.
United Nations Security Council – ‘Letter dated 7 October 2016 from the Chair of the Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea addressed to the President of the Security Council’ (31.10.2016) – S/2016/920